Do the reforms address the marginalised populations?

Following the July uprising, the people of Bangladesh aspire to see a nation free from discrimination, where all citizens are treated equally. In pursuit of this vision, the interim government has initiated various reforms across national institutions, including forming multiple reform commissions.

A fundamental question, however, arises: Can the discourse on state reforms genuinely represent the approximately 21% of Bangladesh's marginalised population, particularly in the context of state-building and the equitable distribution of resources?

The term "marginal" often conjures the image of the edges of a page; similarly, to "marginalise" is to push individuals or groups from the centre to the periphery of social, political, and economic structures. Marginalised individuals or communities are thus rendered "insignificant," excluded from mainstream society, and frequently deprived of power.

Marginalisation is often the result of societal ignorance or negative attitudes, leading to the denial of access to essential resources and services required for a dignified life. In the context of Bangladesh, marginalised communities—historically subjected to systemic exclusion—remain disproportionately vulnerable.

Approximately 30 million such individuals inhabit the country, representing a rich diversity of cultural identities, races, and ethnicities. These groups include the ultra-poor, female-headed households, ethnic minorities, people living in remote areas, persons with disabilities, and those affected by diseases such as HIV/AIDS.

Additionally, they encompass migrant workers, survivors of violence, and individuals engaged in marginalised occupations, such as street dwellers, beggars, and commercial sex workers. These populations endure various forms of social exclusion and are often denied their basic rights.

They face adverse socio-political conditions that restrict employment opportunities and endanger livelihoods. Their social identities and statuses remain subordinated, and the institutions responsible for safeguarding citizens' rights frequently neglect their needs. As a result, their demands are routinely overlooked by policymakers, politicians, and the broader public.

Recently, six reform commissions released reports containing a range of recommendations. The Constitution Reform Commission proposed the adoption of new constitutional principles, including replacing the current parliamentary system with a bicameral legislature comprising a National Assembly and an Upper House.

The proposed Upper House would include five representatives from marginalised communities. However, considering the country's socio-economic and political realities, the potential effectiveness of these representatives in genuinely advocating for communities that are socially, economically, and systemically excluded remains uncertain.

To what extent will these representatives wield sufficient political power to affect meaningful change? Will their presence genuinely contribute to the empowerment of marginalised populations? As they are to be nominated by elected politicians and the president, there is a legitimate concern that political loyalty to party patrons may undermine their willingness or ability to challenge party policies and advocate independently.

In addition to the constitutional reform proposals, the five other reform commissions have put forward hundreds of recommendations spanning various sectors. While these reports acknowledge the importance of citizen participation—both individual and collective—such participation is often portrayed in a limited and tokenistic manner.

There is insufficient emphasis on the concerns of underrepresented groups. The recommendations seem disproportionately focused on the political elite, as their implementation will largely depend on the actions of political, social, and bureaucratic elites.

Marginalisation is often the result of societal ignorance or negative attitudes, leading to the denial of access to essential resources and services required for a dignified life. In the context of Bangladesh, marginalised communities—historically subjected to systemic exclusion—remain disproportionately vulnerable.

Some proposals include the creation of new commissions and incorporating civil society, NGOs, and private sector representatives into the Upper House of Parliament. However, these representatives, too, are to be nominated by political parties.

It is assumed that the political elite will foster a non-discriminatory and transparent society. However, a reflection on Bangladesh's political history reveals that political elites have generally prioritised their own interests, with marginalised communities rarely benefiting from their decisions.

This legacy has engendered a deep-seated mistrust in political leadership. As the nation aspires to construct a just and inclusive society, it becomes clear that building such a society cannot be left solely in the hands of the political elite.

One of the most formidable obstacles to achieving equal rights for marginalised groups is the lack of state accountability—a systemic issue that transcends any single administration. Despite Bangladesh's commitments under international conventions, the rights of these populations remain inadequately protected.

Advocacy for their rights is crucial not only to honour international obligations, such as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), but also to ensure that marginalised voices are incorporated into national policymaking. This may necessitate the use of quotas to guarantee representation.

Nevertheless, a considerable gap persists between the legal recognition of equality and the lived realities of marginalised individuals. For instance, while the national housing policy acknowledges marginalised communities, they are often excluded from its implementation.

Similarly, RAJUK's housing projects lack visible initiatives for Dalits and other vulnerable groups. Marginalised individuals also face systemic discrimination from local administrative bodies when attempting to access services.

Persons with disabilities, for example, frequently find themselves excluded from employment opportunities due to discriminatory legal frameworks.

The empowerment of marginalised populations and the realisation of their rights is not a goal that can be swiftly achieved. Rather, it is an ongoing, long-term process that must continue for as long as human societies endure.

In alignment with the reform commissions' recommendations, the needs of marginalised communities must be prioritised across all sectors. Ensuring basic human rights and social justice requires dedicated attention and support for these groups.

Economic reform is particularly critical in integrating disadvantaged populations into the social mainstream. Yet, it is often assumed that such reforms will naturally follow broader restructuring of governance systems.

Within the evolving relationship between state and society, it is imperative to establish constitutionally mandated, permanent national commissions for women, ethnic minorities, labourers, and other marginalised groups.

These institutions would serve to empower marginalised populations and ensure their concerns are not overlooked. A sector-specific approach is essential, as mainstream society often fails to fully accept or address the unique challenges faced by these communities.

Sketch: TBS

Taslima Aktar is a Research Associate at the BRAC Institute of Governance and Development (BIGD), BRAC University. 

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and views of The Business Standard.