Coordination for credibility: The missing link in Bangladesh’s elections

As Bangladesh prepares for another national election, the scale of the exercise is immense. More than 127 million registered voters are expected to cast their ballots at over 40,000 polling centres nationwide. Yet elections in Bangladesh have never been about numbers alone. At their core, they are about trust — fragile, difficult to earn and easy to lose.

I have been involved in the electoral process since the early 1990s, particularly in supporting civil administration. Over the years, I have observed elections held under very different political environments. 

I have seen polling centres where voters queued patiently under the sun, confident that their votes mattered. I have also seen centres marked by silence — not due to violence, but because voters stayed away, uncertain and apprehensive about what to expect.

That difference did not arise from the number of security personnel deployed; it arose from how the system functioned. Bangladesh's electoral history reflects this clearly. 

The 2008 general election, widely regarded as credible, recorded a turnout of nearly 87%. By contrast, turnout in 2024 fell to around 40%, one of the lowest in the country's history.

From my experience on the ground, low turnout is rarely driven by voter apathy. Ordinary citizens remain deeply interested in elections. What keeps them away is a quiet, inward question: Will my participation make any difference, or will it expose me to trouble? 

Turnout, therefore, should not be read merely as a statistic, but as a public assessment of institutional credibility.

For the upcoming election, authorities have indicated that around 100,000 army personnel, alongside police, RAB and auxiliary forces, will be deployed nationwide. As a former commander who assisted civil authorities, I fully recognise the importance of preparedness and deterrence. Yet experience also teaches that security agencies are most effective when they are barely noticed by voters.

In previous elections, over-deployment or poorly coordinated deployment have often created confusion — overlapping command structures, conflicting instructions and uncertainty at polling centres. Optimal election security is silent, disciplined, proportionate and well coordinated, operating in support of election officials rather than overshadowing them.

Election-related violence in Bangladesh has rarely been confined to polling day alone. Pre-election intimidation, post-election reprisals and sporadic communal incidents have historically shaped voter psychology. 

Even isolated incidents, if left unaddressed, create fear far beyond their immediate location. Voters do not distinguish between local and national incidents. Fear spreads faster than facts. For this reason, election security must be understood as human security, not merely the physical protection of polling centres.

Bangladesh can strengthen election security through several practical measures. A 24/7 joint coordination cell should operate at upazila level and above, integrating civil administration, election officials, police, auxiliary forces and the military in aid of civil administration. These cells should ensure clear command and responsibility, real-time information-sharing, and preventive, proportionate responses.

Local all-party coordination mechanisms are equally important. Most election-day disputes arise from mistrust, rumours or misunderstanding rather than criminal intent. A recognised platform for political actors to raise concerns early significantly reduces escalation. 

The presiding officer remains the central authority at a polling centre. Security arrangements must strengthen — not dilute — their authority. Law enforcement agencies should operate strictly in support of presiding officers, with no parallel or contradictory command structures.

Rather than blanket deployment, security presence should be intelligence-driven, risk-graded and flexible. Security planning must also extend before and after polling day, focusing on the protection of candidates and minority communities, the prevention of post-election reprisals, and rapid responses to misinformation.

Regional experience reinforces these lessons. India, Sri Lanka and Nepal have demonstrated that credible elections rest on institutional coordination, administrative neutrality and political inclusion — not overwhelming force. High turnout in these countries correlates with public confidence in election management rather than visible militarisation.

Over the years, I have learned that voters do not judge elections by official statements or deployment figures. They judge them by simpler measures: how safe they feel walking to a polling centre, how respectfully they are treated inside it, and how confident they are that their vote will be counted honestly.

If Bangladesh seeks higher turnout, reduced tension and restored credibility, more muscle is not the answer. The solution lies in better coordination, clear roles, disciplined security and visible neutrality. Votes are not secured through force. They are earned through trust.

Sketch: TBS

Maj Gen (Retd) Md Nazrul Islam is a former executive chairman of BEPZA, a retired Major General of the Bangladesh Army, and a PhD researcher on technology, workforce transformation, and industrial competitiveness.

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and views of The Business Standard.