The last of the Koras

When Jogen Kora said his age was 95, I was compelled to take another careful look at him. Even at this age, he stood firmly upright, his spine straight. Jogen is the Mahato (chief) of the Koras, one of the smallest ethnic communities in Bangladesh. 

The only Kora village in the country is Jhinai Kuri, under Haljai mouza of Biral upazila, Dinajpur. Sixteen Kora families currently reside in the village. Besides this, there are four more families in Kharipara of Ghughudanga in Dinajpur Sadar upazila. Only these 20 Kora families have survived in the country, with a total population of 94 people, 30 of whom are children.

"Kora means to dig the earth," says Jogen. 

Once, these indigenous people were engaged in digging large ponds, which is where they got their name. During the British period, railway lines were laid across different parts of India. Whether it was cutting hills or digging the earth, it was the Koras who laboured to lay those railway tracks.

And it was mainly through railway work that they came to this region from the state of Jharkhand in India. At one time, there were several Kora villages in Dinajpur and Chapainawabganj. Over time, many migrated back to India. Koras are now concentrated in Dumka, Godda, Pakur, Sahibganj, and Hazaribagh areas of Jharkhand.

At present, the primary occupation of most able-bodied men in the community is working as construction labourers. However, during the sowing and harvesting seasons, men, women and children alike work in the fields as agricultural labourers. Like many day labourers, they too struggle to make ends meet.

The Koras speak the 'Khotta' language, which has no written script; it exists entirely in oral form.

Although the Koras are small in number, their culture is very rich and diverse. The language, culture and customs of the Kora people have maintained a high level of homogeneity, though most can speak Bangla.

Where ritual, memory and identity converge

Kora villages are governed by a three-member council led by the Mahato, assisted by the Gorat and Paramani; formerly, several villages were overseen by a chief called the Pande. Members are chosen democratically by consensus.

They originally had eleven peris (clans) — Chhager, Hardi, Sandoar, Chiru, Tamgiria, Kachdi, Kori, Nagru, Shuer, Krisar, and Tirki — though more once existed. Clan members are considered of the same blood; marriage within a peris is strictly forbidden and regarded as sinful.

Rice is their staple food; they also eat snails, rats, crabs, turtles, shellfish, and other forest produce. Hariya is their favourite drink and essential in rituals. Houses are mud-built, thatched and windowless, as windows are believed to invite evil spirits.

Women once wore the traditional Penchi, now replaced by sharis. Silver ornaments are common. During Bhadra, Ashwin and Kartik, they face scarcity and often sell labour in advance to moneylenders, forcing them to work later at lower pre-fixed wages despite higher seasonal rates. Some now drive vans or take up other work.

Upon death, the body is bathed, wrapped in white cloth and buried with the head facing north and the feet south. The Mahato leads the rites, scattering puffed rice and mustard seeds. Turmeric and salt are avoided for three days; on the third day, a purification ritual known as Telkher is held.

Marriage requires a matchmaker, called the Egua. The bride's family serves vegetarian food; dowry is forbidden.

Five days before marriage, the Lagan Bandha ritual is performed with an exchange of knotted threads. The Tel Hardi turmeric rite follows. A decorated Marowa is built, and a straw guardian figure, Badar, is hung to ward off spirits.

In the main rite, Simret Hote, the couple stand on a plough yoke symbolising cultivation while the groom secretly applies vermilion to the bride. Afterwards, they perform Khanda, mixing grain and receiving blessings. Divorce (patpani) is done by tearing up mango leaves before witnesses. Illicit relations invite council punishment.

They follow the Sanatan faith. They observe Karma, Bishahari and Got Puja without idol worship.

Karma Puja, their largest festival, is held on the Bhadra full moon. A Khil Kadam branch, cut by a nominated unmarried youth, is installed with sacrifice, dance and hariya; milk is poured over it before immersion. Fasting with black gram seeds tests faith — sprouting signifies devotion.

During eclipses, they fast and pray, guided by a folk tale of the Dosad deity pursuing the sun and moon over unpaid rice. They also believe a chained being, Lurik, causes earthquakes if not appeased.

Illness is treated by the Mahan through mantras and herbs, though the Koras are gradually turning to modern medicine.

Far behind in education

Despite being bearers of such a diverse culture, the Koras are extremely disadvantaged in education. They lag behind in mainstream schooling. A few years ago, Krishna Kora of Jhinai Kuri village in Biral had studied up to the 10th grade. Others dropped out of primary school. At present, he works in agriculture and for a private organisation. Because of financial hardship and language barriers, the Koras cannot continue their studies for long.

In 2020, another promising youth from the village, Lapol Kora, was studying at the higher secondary level. However, due to financial crisis, his participation in the examination became uncertain. A voluntary organisation in Dinajpur called Bhabna Society for Social and Human Development took full responsibility for his education and living expenses.

He is now studying in the fourth year of the Department of Drama and Dramatics at Jahangirnagar University. When asked about his experience of university life, Lapol said, "When I was in the second year of HSC, I did not even understand what a university was. The dream of becoming highly educated was always in my heart, but after coming to university and seeing the environment here, I had to struggle a lot at first to adapt. Now my main goal is to go abroad on a scholarship for further studies."

After Lapol, under the supervision of Bhabna, Gita Kora became the first woman from the community to pass secondary schooling in 2025 and is now studying at Dinajpur Music College.

To remove language barriers, on 13 March 2022, Bhabna Society started the 'Kora Pathshala'. It was launched mainly as a supplementary learning centre for children to reduce language barriers and the fear of school. Two postgraduate Oraon women from a neighbouring village work there as teachers. 

They receive a monthly salary of Tk3,000 each. In addition, around Tk40,000 per year is spent on educational materials, clothing, food and sports equipment for students. All expenses are borne from Bhabna's own funds.

The chief executive of Bhabna, Mustafizur Rahman Rupom, described the background of the school, "In 2015, I went with a few others to conduct a fact-finding survey and came into contact with the Koras. There, we found Lapol. We supported him in various ways. Later, under Bhabna's supervision, Lapol passed higher secondary schooling."

He continued, "Since Lapol has been able to reach university from here, I dream that many more Koras will be able to reach higher places. It was from that thought that we started Kora Pathshala."

The Kora Pathshala was first started temporarily in a room in the house of an elderly woman, Sonia Kora. On 2 June 2023, with financial assistance from Mutual Trust Bank, a tin-roofed permanent structure was constructed. The land for the school was permitted for use for 10 years by another elderly woman of the village, Satol Kora.

Ancestral soil, uncertain ownership

Like many other indigenous communities living in Bangladesh, the Koras have suffered severe oppression over their land. 

Take Ghughudanga in Dinajpur for instance. A decade ago, 20 to 22 Kora families lived there. Gradually, the number decreased to two families. Now there are four households — the original two families have been divided into four.

A few years ago, six families went to India after losing their homesteads. Four families converted from their religion. Though conversion meant losing their distinct identity, their living standards do not appear to have improved much. The remaining five families became internally displaced and took shelter in Jhinai Kuri village of Biral upazila, where the Koras are comparatively safer.

In Ghughudanga, the Koras once had considerable land — mango orchards, cultivable fields and homesteads. Now, even the small homestead where the four families live is, on paper, owned by someone else. Mango and jackfruit trees stand there. 

In front of the dilapidated houses, the swept courtyards draw attention. In the 1960s, there were three Kora hamlets there. Altogether 50 to 60 families — at least 250 people — belonged to the Kora community. They had more than 30 acres of land. By cultivating their land and hunting in nearby forests, they lived comparatively well. They lived in mud-plastered houses decorated with alpana. Today, the patched tin houses appear even more fragile in daylight.

Nearby, along the roadside, bitter gourd, cucumber and maize are cultivated — lands that once belonged to the Koras. About 10 decimals lie fallow as khas land. Around five decimals of the graveyard remain recorded in the Koras' name. The graveyard is merely a narrow strip of land with wild bushes between fields. Though there was once more, neighbouring land grabbers gradually extended their holdings and reduced it to this.

West of it lies the sandbank and the Punarbhaba River. The rest of the Kora land is neither recorded in their names nor in their possession.

Regarding this, Mustafizur Rahman Rupom said, "The Koras have been greatly persecuted over land. There are also complications in documentation. Often, the original landowner has died or left, creating gaps in records and administration. However, if there is administrative goodwill, this complexity can be resolved to some extent."

Deputy Commissioner of Dinajpur Mohammad Rafiqul Islam said, "I will ask the UNO of that area to look into these matters."

The UNO of Biral, Jimran Mohammad Sayek, said, "I have not been here long. I was not aware of this issue because no one came to me regarding land matters. Now that I have heard it, I will inquire into it."

According to Section 97 of the State Acquisition and Tenancy Act of 1950, an indigenous person may transfer land only to another indigenous person, or with written permission of the local revenue officer if no such buyer is found. There are specific steps for such permission. In the case of the Koras of Ghughudanga, no record has been found of Koras applying for such permission.

Moreover, the law also states that if land is transferred outside this provision, the government must recover it and restore it to the original owner or heirs. Despite such clear legal provisions, the Kora lands have not been protected.

Liberation War: Kora contributions hidden from history

Among the indigenous people of northern Bangladesh who participated in the 1971 Liberation War, many could not properly preserve their documents. Like land deeds, their war papers were lost. Without certificates, proving oneself as a freedom fighter through alternative procedures proved extremely difficult for the indigenous people.

One such unrecognised freedom fighter, according to community representatives, was Thopal Kora, who died on 6 July 2021. None of his heirs remains to pursue recognition.

Besides Thopal, two other Koras — Kina Kora and Satan Kora — participated in the 1971 war. When the war began, they trained at Shibbari Youth Camp. After training, under Sector 7 and the leadership of Commander Idris Ali, they fought from Hamzapur Camp to liberate Hili and nearby villages from enemy forces. 

Yet, like Thopal, they too have not received any official certificate. As a result, they remain deprived of the freedom fighter's allowance and state benefits.