How governments survive their honeymoon periods

On 18 February 2026, the oath-taking ceremony had just faded from television screens when the first price lists began circulating in kitchen markets. Sellers were cautious, traders were watching, and voters were already doing mental math. 

Bangladesh has just come through its 13th national election, delivering a landslide victory to the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and installing Tarique Rahman as prime minister. The scale of the mandate has given the new government something precious but fragile political capital. How it is spent in the next 180 days may decide not just the government's popularity, but its durability.

Political scientists often call this opening phase a "honeymoon period", which begins not with romance, but suspense. The term sounds indulgent, but in reality, it is a high-stakes grace window, a moment when the public is temporarily less merciless, not because they are kind, but because several forces align in the leader's favour.

First is the mandate itself. Voters want to believe they made the right choice. To declare a leader a failure in week three is to admit a mistake in week one. 

Second is the benefit of the doubt. Most citizens understand that governing machinery takes time to assemble, and early missteps are often blamed on the "mess left behind" by the previous administration. 

Third is the media holding their breath. Even a sceptical press usually waits for the first major policy rollout before launching a full-scale offensive.

But history shows that this mercy is conditional and brief.

When mercy curdles

The honeymoon does not end because of small imperfections. Leaders can stumble through speeches or delay appointments and survive. What shortens the grace period is something more visceral: betrayal, incompetence, or scandal.

The fastest way to kill goodwill is identity betrayal. When a leader violates the very reason they were elected, disappointment hardens into anger. Britain learned this abruptly under Liz Truss, whose abrupt fiscal U-turn triggered market chaos and ended her premiership almost before it began. The public did not feel let down; they felt scammed.

Then there is the competency shock. Citizens will forgive a leader for being wrong on complex issues, but they struggle to forgive looking clueless. 

After the failed Bay of Pigs invasion, John F Kennedy saw his approval ratings rise as Americans rallied around him. Contrast that with Japan's Yukio Hatoyama, whose inability to manage bureaucratic and diplomatic pressure over a US military base made him appear weak. His approval collapsed from around 70% to the teens within months.

The third red line is ethics. The public is least forgiving when corruption surfaces early, especially if reform was the central campaign promise. A first-cabinet scandal can end a honeymoon before the inauguration flowers have wilted.

These pressures have intensified in the modern age. 

Research shows that while leaders in the 1950s could expect 100 to 200 days of high approval, today's hyper-fast media environment compresses the honeymoon to 30–50 days. The public mood has shifted from "let's see what they can do" to "show me results by tomorrow". Often, the loudest critic is no longer the opposition, but the leader's own base, demanding ideological purity.

The art of using the window

And yet, some leaders have used this brief window to permanently reshape their countries.

In 1933, Franklin D Roosevelt took office amid the Great Depression and effectively invented the concept of the first 100 days. Within weeks, he declared a nationwide bank holiday to stop financial collapse, pushed through 15 major pieces of New Deal legislation, and reassured a panicked nation through his fireside chats. Speed, clarity, and communication turned crisis into momentum.

A decade later, Britain's Clement Attlee demonstrated how a landslide mandate could be converted into structural change. Coming to power after the war, his government nationalised key industries, laid the foundations of the National Health Service, and initiated the complex process of Indian independence, all within months.

More recently, Jacinda Ardern, former prime minister of New Zealand, used early momentum to pass a NZ$5 billion families package, ban new offshore oil and gas exploration, and raise the minimum wage within her first 100 days. The decisions were bold, coherent, and aligned with her campaign identity.

Even tragedy can create opportunity. After John F Kennedy's assassination, Lyndon B Johnson used what became known as the "honeymoon of mourning" to push through the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and launch his War on Poverty. He understood that hesitation, not opposition, was the real enemy of the moment.

Asian tales

Asia offers a parallel archive, though less of triumph, more of warning.

In Japan, Hatoyama's landslide victory in 2009 ended decades of near-continuous rule by the Liberal Democratic Party. But his promise to relocate the Futenma US Marine base lacked a workable plan. Months of flip-flopping and diplomatic friction ended in public humiliation and resignation.

In Pakistan, Imran Khan entered office in 2018 promising a "Naya Pakistan" and unveiling a much-hyped 100-day agenda. Instead, a balance-of-payments crisis forced him into IMF negotiations he had long condemned. Policy reversals, inflation, and emergency bailouts from Saudi Arabia and China turned the honeymoon into a punchline, the era of the "U-turn".

The Philippines saw a more corrosive collapse. Joseph Estrada, elected on a pro-poor platform, was soon engulfed by allegations of cronyism and unexplained wealth. Early scandals eroded institutional trust and culminated in impeachment and the EDSA II uprising.

Even Indonesia's Joko Widodo, now widely regarded as successful, stumbled early. His hesitation over appointing a police chief accused of corruption created a standoff between institutions and damaged his "Mr Clean" image within his first 100 days.

The pattern is clear: landslides do not guarantee stability. Execution does.

Graphics: TBS

BNP's 180-day test

This is the historical shadow under which Bangladesh's new government begins its journey.

Six months, officials say, will define direction, or expose limits. The BNP has framed the first 180 days as a decisive window to restore public confidence, reassert state authority, and stabilise an economy and administration unsettled by prolonged uncertainty.

The public is least forgiving when corruption surfaces early, especially if reform was the central campaign promise. A first-cabinet scandal can end a honeymoon before the inauguration flowers have wilted.

At the first cabinet meeting, held the day the government was formed, three immediate priorities were identified: controlling commodity prices, improving law and order, and keeping electricity and energy supplies stable. Information and Broadcasting Minister Zahir Uddin Swapon said relevant ministers would submit detailed action plans within days.

In his inaugural address to the nation, Tarique Rahman left little ambiguity. "Improving the law and order situation and bringing people peace and security through strict control of corruption is the government's foremost priority," he said.

Home Minister Salahuddin Ahmed later confirmed that a 180-day priority roadmap had been fixed, with details to be disclosed gradually. Behind the scenes, officials at the Prime Minister's Office say four themes dominate the first six months: law and order, price stability, energy security, and jobs.

Restoring law and order sits at the top. Tarique has directed reforms of police organisational structures, strict accountability for every station, identification of high-risk areas, and immediate action. 

One insider put it bluntly, "Within 180 days, Tarique Rahman wants to bring law and order back to a normal footing." The home minister has also drawn a red line against mob violence, declaring that "mob culture" will no longer be tolerated.

Timing has sharpened the economic stakes. The government has assumed office on the eve of Ramadan, when price spikes can rapidly erode goodwill. Controlling commodities is central to the plan. On his first working day, State Minister Ishraque Hossain warned hoarders and syndicates against artificial shortages of food, edible oil, and essentials, naming major importers and suppliers and promising strict action.

Officials say instructions are clear: prices must not spike suddenly, essentials must remain affordable, and markets must stabilise within 180 days. Transparency in import-export data is to be prioritised, with public access promised.

Energy security forms the third pillar. To ensure uninterrupted electricity during Ramadan, Power Minister Iqbal Hasan Mahmud Tuku instructed officials to guarantee a continuous supply to mosques during iftar, sehri, and taraweeh, a directive reiterated by the prime minister himself.

Beyond Ramadan, the government has published a 100-day action plan and a five-year roadmap for the power and energy sector. The plan includes drilling 150 new gas wells, drafting new onshore and offshore production-sharing contracts for 2026, preparing the Energy and Power Sector Master Plan for 2026–2030, and introducing gas marketing regulations and an integrated LPG policy. Budget preparation for FY2026–27 is being aligned with this six-month framework.

Jobs and youth form the final strand. In his address, Tarique spoke directly to students and young people, promising support to build skills and employment opportunities. Clean cities, campus stability, and education reform linked to the July National Charter are also under discussion.

Local Government Minister Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir has acknowledged the challenge of increasing investment while moving away from debt-dependent growth. BNP leaders have reaffirmed their commitment to implementing the July Charter "word for word".

For political analyst Khalidur Rahman, the plan is timely but fragile. Price control, improved law and order, energy security, and a firm stance against corruption are vital, he argues, particularly for economic and social stability. Job creation, especially for young people, is encouraging. But success, he cautions, will depend on transparency, institutional accountability, and consistent execution. Announcements alone will not sustain public confidence.

Bangladesh's honeymoon will not last long. In an age of instant outrage and constant scrutiny, mercy expires quickly. The question is not whether expectations are high, they always are after a landslide, but whether early actions align with the promise voters believed in.

History offers both inspiration and warning. Some leaders used their grace period to change the course of nations. Others watched it evaporate under the weight of hesitation, scandal, or betrayal.

For Tarique Rahman's government, the next 180 days are not just a beginning. They are a test of whether a mandate can be converted into momentum, before the honeymoon ends, and the reckoning begins.