A part of govt, or govt as a whole, allowed this to happen: Nurul Kabir on attacks on Prothom Alo, Daily Star
Despite repeated communication with the advisers of the interim government and government officials during the attack, the authorities failed to act decisively to prevent the escalation of violence or ensure timely rescue operations, he said.
New Age Editor and Editors' Council President Nurul Kabir has said that either a section of the government or the government as a whole allowed the attack and arson at the offices of Prothom Alo and The Daily Star to take place on the night of 18 December.
Despite repeated communication with the advisers of the interim government and government officials during the attack, the authorities failed to act decisively to prevent the escalation of violence or ensure timely rescue operations, he said.
The veteran journalist made the remarks at a talk show, titled "Muktobak", hosted by Manzur Al Matin, which aired on private television broadcaster Channel 24 last night (22 December).
Keep updated, follow The Business Standard's Google news channel
Here is a shortened, transcribed, and then translated version of what he said after Manzur asked about his experience that night when he went to help coordinate rescue efforts, but faced harassment by the mob that vandalised and set fire to the offices of the two newspapers.
"… I have never called so many ministers in the past one and a half years. But within those few minutes, I called the information minister, the home minister, the law minister, and everyone concerned. I noticed a sense of embarrassment in all of them. This embarrassment is not a sign of leadership. They may not have wanted this situation, but they failed to show the capacity to handle it clearly.
I tried to contact Professor Yunus. At first, I could not reach him, then I sent a text. Later, we spoke. In the meantime, a minister asked me to speak to the PSO. I did that as well. Everyone gave assurances. But by then the fire had spread from the first floor to the second, then the third.
At that point, one thing became absolutely clear to me. Those who set the fire did not just want to destroy the offices of these two newspapers. They set the fire while people were still inside. If the fire service is not allowed to enter, it means only one thing—they wanted to burn them alive.
At that moment, what is called in English a 'call of duty' is what I felt. I thought it was necessary to be present there to speed up the rescue operation. The conversations that needed to happen and the coordination that was required could not be done sitting far away. So I decided to go there.
I did not go there as a reporter. My only purpose was to go inside, see what was happening, and coordinate with those who were working there.
When I arrived, various religious slogans were being chanted on the street. I noticed that there were far more people who were not wearing caps and panjabis than those who were. As I entered, I had covered about 90% of the way. When only 10% remained, they started abusing me. I was being called 'Awami League' and 'sushil'.
Now that we have come out of that danger, a humorous point can be mentioned. The concept of 'civil society' comes from German and French philosophers — from thinkers like Kant, Hegel, and Rousseau. In Bangladesh, it has been translated as 'sushil samaj'. The word 'sushil' itself carries a kind of elitism. I have disliked this term for many years. All my life, I have criticised these elite 'sushils'. Yet that day, I was being abused by being called 'sushil'.
Through this experience, I realised that those who were doing these things have no connection with Bangladesh's mainstream politics, journalism, or intellectual tradition. Otherwise, they could not have done such acts.
I was pulled around from side to side. Comments were also made about my long hair. Then the question arose—did they do this knowing who I was?
I still want to say that they did not recognise me. Although my friends say they did. Perhaps it is out of self-respect that I want to say they did not recognise me. Since the age of thirteen, I have developed a questioning relationship with power. At that time, it was not with the central government, but with the local government that my first conflict occurred.
Power is a necessary evil. Power is needed, but it is also essential to guard power in the public interest and keep it accountable. This political consciousness has been formed since my adolescence — because of my father's political thinking and my grandfather's legacy.
Based on what I have understood and read, I have written. As a result, throughout my life I have been in conflict with every government — both as an individual and with the institutions I have been associated with.
After this incident, I have two grievances. They could have abused me in other ways. For example, right-wing groups often abuse me by calling me left-wing. Yet left-wing politics has long been established globally as a symbol of progressivism. Now there is a well-planned political effort to establish it as an insult.
Anyway, those are not the main issues. What matters is this incident.
From the beginning of this incident until the children were brought out safely, what I saw, the conversations I had with ministers, and with various state officials—after initially seeing sincerity, after being there for two and a half hours, I can say with a clear conscience that some part of the government, or the government as a whole, allowed this incident to happen."
