How Nepal’s youth protesters found an unlikely ally in the Army

Following a dramatic surge of public outrage that shook Nepal to its core, the nation's army — long respected and largely apolitical — has emerged as the last institution standing. Now, it is engaged in talks with the leaders of the youth-led uprising.

On Tuesday (9 September 2025), scenes of chaos unfolded across the country as demonstrators set fire to the Parliament building, the Supreme Court, and the residences of five former prime ministers. With the state in disarray and top officials either fleeing or resigning, it appeared as though no one was in control.

That evening, however, the Chief of the Nepali Army made a brief video appeal for calm. By 10pm, troops had taken to the streets, and the wave of violence began to subside. Simultaneously, senior army officers entered into discussions with the largely unknown young leaders of the Gen Z protest movement to chart a path forward.

With civil authority having all but collapsed, the army — a revered institution with international standing — became the de facto broker in the crisis. It is an unfamiliar role for a force that has traditionally stayed out of politics, despite commanding deep respect among the public.

Among those who came to the capital to meet army leadership was Harka Sampang, a social activist and mayor of a small eastern town. "I came to Kathmandu to speak with the army chief," he said, noting that thousands of citizens had urged him to do so. The protest leaders proposed Sushila Karki, a former Chief Justice, to head a transitional government.

What lies ahead is uncertain, but it is increasingly likely that the current political void will be filled by an agreement between the disillusioned youth and the military leadership.

The country's democratic institutions were effectively dismantled over two days of unrest. The prime minister fled, top officials stepped down, and the president has been conspicuously absent. The situation mirrors events in Bangladesh just over a year ago, when a student-led protest and the military collaborated to install an interim government under Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus.

Retired Major General Binoj Basnyat, who served in the army when it was still the Royal Nepalese Army, believes the military will ensure a secure environment until fresh elections can be held. According to a 2022 survey by the Asia Foundation, 91% of Nepalis trust the army more than any other national institution.

General Basnyat attributes this trust to the army's commitment to civilian oversight. He was keen to point out that it was the armed police, not the army, who opened fire on protesters on Monday, resulting in at least 19 deaths.

The army's current respect for civil authority is particularly notable given its historical loyalties. Until Nepal transitioned to a multiparty democracy in 1990, the army reported solely to the monarchy. During the civil war from 1996 to 2006, fought between government forces and Maoist rebels, the army remained steadfast in its allegiance to the royal family, rather than the people.

With nearly five centuries of history, the Nepali Army still flies a battle flag emblazoned with the drums and trident of Shiva, the Hindu god of destruction. By the late 1700s, its soldiers had earned such a formidable reputation that British colonial rulers began recruiting entire units — the famed Gurkhas — into their own armies.

To this day, the Gurkhas remain integral to elite military units in both India and the United Kingdom. Indian military legend General Sam Manekshaw famously remarked, "If a man says he is not afraid of dying, he is either lying or he is a Gurkha."

In recent decades, Nepali troops have also become valued contributors to United Nations peacekeeping missions across Africa, the Middle East, and beyond.

The army's modernisation accelerated during the civil war, when it doubled in size. Retired Indian General Ashok K. Mehta, who has worked closely with Nepal's military, believes that these wartime upgrades were instrumental in pushing the Maoists to the negotiating table in 2005 — helping to secure peace.

Yet, General Mehta argues, the army's evolution is far from complete. Its roots in feudalism make it an unlikely guardian of democracy, and now it finds itself thrust into an unfamiliar role at the very heart of political power.

"This is unprecedented," Mehta said. "For the first time in Nepal's history, the military occupies the pinnacle of state authority."

He doesn't see the army as power-hungry, but rather uncertain. Its biggest misstep, in his view, was hesitating on Tuesday. A swifter intervention might have saved lives and prevented the billions in damage that followed.

The current army chief, General Ashok Raj Sigdel, is not widely known. General Mehta, who has met him, describes him as lacking charisma and communication skills — qualities that may now prove crucial, as the army engages with an emboldened youth movement demanding accountability.

Historically, such attributes may not have mattered. But today, facing a digitally connected and politically awakened generation, Nepal's military leaders may need to learn some new skills — and fast.