Carrying Khaleda Zia’s legacy: The many challenges facing Tarique Rahman in a new political era
For BNP’s acting chairman, the challenge is multidimensional: he must prove electoral viability, reassert control over a sprawling party organisation, and navigate a hostile narrative environment, all while managing serious personal security risks
Tarique Rahman makes a historic comeback to Bangladesh's politics amidst the highest expectations and celebrations; also carrying a burden few political heirs have faced so explicitly: the legacy of Khaleda Zia, the founder of BNP's modern political identity, at a time when politics itself has fundamentally changed.
The July Uprising altered not only the balance of power but also the very fabric of political culture. Politics is no longer a contest primarily about political programmes or ideology. It is becoming a contest of narratives of who can define meaning, legitimacy, and moral authority in a fractured public sphere.
For BNP's acting chairman, the challenge is multidimensional: he must prove electoral viability, reassert control over a sprawling party organisation, and navigate a hostile narrative environment, all while managing serious personal security risks. And all this is amplified manyfold by the expectations to fill in the shoes of Khaleda Zia.
In any way, the main challenge is to launch a successful election campaign and win the election first.
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Dr Asif Shahan, professor in the Department of Development Studies at Dhaka University, puts it bluntly, "The primary challenge is to get through the election. We can talk about statesmanship, policy ideas, and many other things, but at the end of the day, if he does not secure the people's mandate, then none of that matters."
"The primary challenge is to get through the election. We can talk about statesmanship, policy ideas, and many other things, but at the end of the day, if he does not secure the people's mandate, then none of that matters."
Winning, however, is not a vague or symbolic benchmark. Surveys and popular expectations largely suggest that BNP is likely to win the next election. Therefore, winning alone will not earn Tarique Rahman any credit.
"Suppose BNP comes to power with a two-thirds majority. His critics will say that the result is expected—this is what Tarique Rahman is supposed to achieve. For that alone, he will not be celebrated as a great party leader. If he fails to do so—even if the party wins only 150–160 seats—it will be said that he has failed," Dr Asif Shahan said.
This harsh metric reflects the weight of inheritance. Khaleda Zia was not merely a party chief, she was a consolidator of authority in moments of crisis. Tarique Rahman is measured not against ordinary standards but against an established expectation of dominance. He has to uphold the legacy.
Yet elections themselves have changed. Dr Asif Shahan said, "An even bigger challenge is that, unfortunately, this election will not be about policies. It will be about projection—projecting who is better able to understand the public pulse on different social issues. Unfortunately, elections operate on immediate impact. Only after securing power does a leader get the time and space to talk about policies and say, 'This is our plan.'"
However, this creates a paradox for BNP, which has tried to present welfare-oriented policy proposals.
"So when people talk about policy 'family cards' and similar ideas, the real question is how he connects those to the claim that 'I understand the people.' Look, these policy family cards are not really for us. To be honest, for people like you and me, it makes sense—we understand it. But explaining this to us achieves very little. He has to grasp the popular pulse which is being shaped by the online narrative."
He elaborated on voter analytics, "Urban voters, unfortunately, will not decide the election. By and large, their minds are already made up. Those who have not already come over to BNP are unlikely to do so now. However, BNP surveys show that the rural base is becoming complacent—almost dormant. If he cannot prevent that complacency, then there will be serious cause for concern."
Beyond the election lies a deeper organisational question. There are still the question of rebel candidates in multiple constituencies. Professor Dilara Chowdhury, former faculty of the Department of Government and Politics at Jahangirnagar University, pointed out, "Whether he can genuinely embody what the young generation wants is itself a major question, and he faces numerous challenges. First and foremost, he must reorganise his party. There is considerable disorder at the grassroots level, and nomination disputes are already causing serious internal problems."
Authority, she argues, cannot remain implicit, "Within his own party, there are people with a wide range of views and tendencies. He will have to manage all of them and assert his leadership decisively across the board. He must establish his authority within the party at full strength—something Khaleda Zia was able to do."
"His foremost task will be to restore Khaleda Zia's political legacy to the mainstream of Bangladeshi politics. At present, there is public anxiety that BNP has, at least to some extent, drifted away from that path."
The comparison is unavoidable. Ziaur Rahman did not live long enough to consolidate this fully, which Khaleda Zia did for a long time; and now the subsequent internal factional problems must now be addressed head-on by Tarique Rahman.
If he does win, the symbolic task becomes immediate. Dilara Chowdhury added, "His foremost task will be to restore Khaleda Zia's political legacy to the mainstream of Bangladeshi politics. At present, there is public anxiety that BNP has, at least to some extent, drifted away from that path."
At the same time, the political system itself is in flux. Politics itself is going through an unprecedented phase. The traditional two-party framework no longer really exists. New political forces are emerging, and since the events of July Uprising, different levels of aspiration have taken shape among the people.
This is where narrative politics intersects with identity politics. Political analyst Dr Zahed Ur Rahman states the challenge globally, "The issue is more complex. It is whether he can counter the global rise of right-wing identity politics."
"Historically right-wing identity politics has not enjoyed deep traction at the mass level. If he contests the election, comes to power, and is able to broadly ensure the welfare measures he has been talking about, then identity politics is unlikely to gain much traction."
Yet Bangladesh, he argues, is not structurally predisposed to it. "Historically right-wing identity politics has not enjoyed deep traction at the mass level. If he contests the election, comes to power, and is able to broadly ensure the welfare measures he has been talking about, then identity politics is unlikely to gain much traction."
Failure, however, changes the equation, as Zahed Ur Rahman said, "If he fails—if his performance is poor—then such a possibility may emerge. Not before that."
The former alliance partner Jamaat-i-Islami's question complicates the political situation further. BNP had a longstanding alliance with Jaamat, and so, confronting them in public space is often messy and indisciplined. The narrative for Jaamat is quite strong, and BNP can hardly put a dent against such organised online campaigns.
However, Zahed Ur Rahman thinks that if BNP believes it can deliver good governance, then the narrative can not give them much trouble alone.
Writer and researcher Firoz Ahmed frames the moment in almost existential terms. For Tarique Rahman, the stakes are historic, "As the most important leader of the largest party, the people of the country expect him to play a proper role in this transition. History will give him a real opportunity to become the leader of the state."
"As the most important leader of the largest party, the people of the country expect him to play a proper role in this transition. History will give him a real opportunity to become the leader of the state."
Security risks add another layer to Tarique Rahman's dilemma.
"Another major challenge is the serious security risk he faces. For this reason, he will need the support of Zubaida Rahman and Zaima Rahman. Where he cannot go himself, they will have to go on his behalf," Dr Asif Shahan notes.
Ultimately, the question is not whether Tarique Rahman can articulate a vision, but whether he can enforce it within his own party.
"I see a significant transformation—a kind of metamorphosis—in him," Dr Zahed Ur Rahman says. "The question is how far his party will resonate with that transformation."
Because once in power, there will be no distance, no administrative alibi, and no narrative shield. Performance will not just define his leadership—it will determine whether Khaleda Zia's legacy remains a living political force or becomes a historical reference point in a politics that has already moved on.
