Tajuddin Ahmad and the price of loyalty in a fragile democracy

From 1975 to 1990, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the four national leaders Tajuddin Ahmad, Syed Nazrul Islam, Captain Mansur Ali and AHM Qamaruzzaman were largely erased from Bangladesh's political discourse.

From 1975 to 1990, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the four national leaders Tajuddin Ahmad, Syed Nazrul Islam, Captain Mansur Ali and AHM Qamaruzzaman were largely erased from Bangladesh's political discourse.

Their brutal assassinations in 1975 marked the beginning of a deliberate effort by successive military-led regimes to suppress the legacy of those who had been instrumental in shaping the nation's independence.

However, with the restoration of democracy in the 1990s, particularly during Sheikh Hasina's most recent 16-year tenure as the head of the Awami League government between 2009 and 2024, Mujib was elevated to near-mythical status as the "Father of the Nation." His contributions were celebrated, often with embellishments that cemented his place in history.

In stark contrast, Tajuddin Ahmad and his compatriots, who were murdered inside Dhaka Central Jail on 3 November 1975, remained largely sidelined, their pivotal roles in the Liberation War acknowledged only in passing.

Today, Bangladesh finds itself at a crossroads, with a chance to reassess its history through a more nuanced and impartial lens. A critical question arises: Could the nation have achieved independence in just nine months in 1971, following Mujib's arrest on 25 March, without the leadership of Tajuddin Ahmad?

Perhaps even more crucially, how and why did such an indispensable figure later become marginalised?

To uncover these answers, we must go back in time reflecting on the years that preceded and shaped the events of 1971 and beyond.

Tajuddin's political journey began with his active participation in the language movement of 1952, which laid the foundation for Bangali nationalism. Then, as a skilled organiser and a committed advocate for democratic ideals, he emerged as a pioneer in strengthening and mobilising the Awami League.

His relationship with Mujib, which dated back to their days in the Muslim League, deepened significantly after 1964, as Tajuddin emerged as Mujib's right-hand man.

His influence was crucial in shaping the political landscape of East Pakistan, even more so after the Six-Point Movement of 1966, a landmark initiative in which he played a key role in drafting.

The Six-Point Movement called for greater autonomy for East Pakistan and became the manifesto of Bangali resistance to the oppressive West Pakistani regime. While it garnered widespread support in East Pakistan, it was strongly opposed by the military junta in West Pakistan, resulting in the persecution of Awami League leaders.

Tajuddin Ahmad was arrested on 8 May 1966, for championing the Six-Point demands, and he remained imprisoned until 12 February 1969.

Meanwhile, in 1968, while Tajuddin was still in prison, the infamous Agartala Conspiracy Case led to the arrest of Sheikh Mujib and other prominent East Pakistani leaders, sparking a mass uprising that forced the government into negotiations.

Upon his release, Tajuddin joined other Awami League leaders in talks with the Ayub regime to secure Mujib's release. Mujib was eventually released on 23 February 1969.

Following this, Ayub Khan resigned, and the new President, Yahya Khan, promised the first general election in Pakistan's history.

The 1970 general election marked a turning point for Tajuddin. His behind-the-scenes efforts helped the Awami League secure a landslide victory, setting the stage for a confrontation with the Pakistani establishment.

With Mujib now the undisputed leader of the Bangali cause, Tajuddin continued to provide indispensable support as a strategist and confidant.

However, despite Mujib's overwhelming electoral victory, West Pakistan's military regime, led by General Yahya Khan was unwilling to transfer power to him. This refusal to honour the election results deepened the political crisis, leading to further tensions and ultimately setting the stage for the events of 1971.

This was when Tajuddin again rose to the occasion, as he had always done in times of crisis.

By mid-March 1971, political tension in Pakistan had reached a boiling point. As General Yahya Khan prepared to visit Dhaka for crucial negotiations, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto ominously remarked, "The most dangerous man in the Awami League is Tajuddin."

When the Pakistani military launched "Operation Searchlight" on 25 March 1971, unleashing a brutal crackdown in East Pakistan, Mujib was arrested and taken to West Pakistan.

In the ensuing chaos, it was Tajuddin who emerged as the leader to fill the vacum. Fleeing to India, he established the Provisional Government of Bangladesh in exile, famously known as the Mujibnagar Government, on 17 April 1971, with Tajuddin himself assuming the role of Prime Minister.

From his base in India, Tajuddin worked tirelessly to organise the war efforts. He united political factions, secured international support, and meticulously managed the training and deployment of the Mukti Bahini (freedom fighters).

His collaboration with Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was another hallmark of his leadership. He persuaded Gandhi to extend not only military support but also humanitarian aid to millions of Bangali refugees.

His diplomatic skills were instrumental in securing Indian support for the liberation struggle, emphasising that while they sought assistance, they did not want direct military intervention.

However, Tajuddin's leadership during the Liberation War was seen by some as a deviation from Mujib's political directives, which were intended to guide the country in his absence.

But even as divisions within the Awami League created tensions, Tajuddin focused on the shared goal of achieving Bangladesh's independence. He also played a key role in securing financial support from the Bangali diaspora, which helped sustain the war effort.

After the independence of Bangladesh on 16 December 1971, Tajuddin Ahmad's role shifted from being the Prime Minister of the Mujibnagar Government to serving as Finance and Planning Minister in the newly-formed government. His focus was on post-war reconstruction, economic development, and rebuilding a shattered nation.

The challenges were immense. Tajuddin worked tirelessly to establish Bangladesh's first five-year plan, aimed at addressing food insecurity, unemployment, and industrial development. He advocated for nationalisation, and worked closely with international donors to secure aid for the war-torn country.

In the meantime, as the dynamics of post-independence politics increasingly centred around Mujib, his relationship with Tajuddin began to fray.

Despite Tajuddin's sincere attempts to explain the developments that had led to the formation of the Mujibnagar Government, he was never able to fully brief Mujib. This lack of communication set the stage for the growing estrangement between the two men.

What hurt Tajuddin the most was the continuous whisper campaign against him, which persisted even after the war ended.

His critics were not limited to the Mujib Bahini—those young revolutionaries who had helped shape the resistance but had resisted being placed under the authority of the Mujibnagar Government.

Tajuddin's opponents also included powerful figures from within the government, such as Khondokar Moshtaque, who was part of the right-wing faction.

As Commerce Minister, Moshtaque had his grievances with Tajuddin, the most significant being Tajuddin's decision to form the government-in-exile on his own and appoint himself Prime Minister during the war.

There was anticipation within the Mujibnagar Government for Mujib to visit Meherpur, where the provisional government had been established, but that visit never materialised. For many, this symbolised the growing rift between the Mujib and his wartime leader.

As Tajuddin watched the country struggle after independence, his frustrations only mounted, as Mujib's leadership style became more autocratic. Tajuddin's preference for a more democratic, inclusive approach found itself at odds with the growing centralisation of power under Mujib.

The 1974 famine was a national embarrassment, not only for the government but for the world to witness. Along with corruption and administrative dysfunction, it exposed deep cracks in the fledgling state—cracks that both Mujib and Tajuddin tried but failed to repair.

The overall situation in Bangladesh was fraught with instability. And then came the last nail in the coffin on 13 October 1974.

Returning home after an official foreign tour, Tajuddin publicly criticised the government's policies, acknowledging the failure of the economy. This unprecedented public critique of Mujib's leadership marked the beginning of his downfall.

Despite widespread expectations that he would resign, Tajuddin held out for Mujib to take the initiative. On 26 October, Mujib sent Tajuddin a terse letter requesting his resignation from the cabinet as Finance Minister for the public interest. Tajuddin complied.

Soon after, Mujib's creation of Baksal (Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League) in January 1975 effectively curtailed political opposition and consolidated power under one-party rule, further isolating Tajuddin and others who favoured a more pluralistic approach.

Still, Tajuddin's loyalty to Mujib prevailed above everything else.

In late July 1975, he received a desperate call from a trusted source, warning him of a conspiracy to assassinate Mujib. Acting quickly, Tajuddin made his way to 32 Dhanmondi to deliver the message. Despite his urgency, Mujib dismissed the warning, assuring him there was no cause for concern and sending him home.

Only a fortnight later, on 15 August 1975, the unthinkable happened. Mujib and most of his family were killed in a brutal coup.

Following this, Tajuddin was immediately placed under house arrest. On 22 August, he and other senior Awami League leaders were arrested and sent to Dhaka Central Jail. On 3 November, another coup was staged by another faction of the army.

On that dark day, acting on the orders of President Moshtaque, Tajuddin Ahmed and three other imprisoned leaders were brutally killed inside the jail. This tragic event is etched in Bangladesh's history as "Jail Killing Day."

This marked the heartbreaking end of a true hero of our independence. Sadly, corrupt politics fueled by an insatiable hunger for power and recognition—reduced someone as remarkable as Tajuddin Ahmed to a mere footnote in our history for far too long.

It's high time we set the record straight and work toward building a better future.