Journalism is not a crime

Just over a decade ago on 16 April 2014, the then-Director of BBC World Service Peter Horrocks led over 100 journalists of the organisation in a rare protest outside the BBC headquarters at New Broadcasting House in London. Some of them held up pictures of three Al Jazeera journalists being held captive in Egypt. With their mouths covered by tape or their own hand, many of them held a placard with four poignant words: Journalism isn't a crime.

Few yards away from the protests, on the edge of NBH entrance stands a larger-than-life statue of George Orwell, the British author whose seminal work '1984' warned the world about authoritarian rule and the surveillance society. On the wall behind the statue, a quote from the author is carved, which reads: "If liberty means anything at all, it means the right to tell people what they do not want to hear."

That, in a nutshell, has been the glory and grief of journalism. It is not a crime, but its essential duty is to tell the truth, no matter how unpleasant or how inconvenient. In doing so, journalists and their organisations can and do face the wrath of those whose interests are adversely affected.

But is the notion that journalism is not a crime, about to change in Bangladesh? A few days ago, the Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam threw a suggestion- or a firm plan - into the mix, which should have raised a lot more eyebrows than it did.

Alam told a seminar in Dhaka on 5 July that the interim government of Dr. Muhammad Yunus is going to "investigate" the journalism of the past 15 years. He added that, the government planned to write to the United Nations to provide technical expertise to carry out an investigation into what kind of journalism the country had during former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's rule.

"We're writing to the United Nations telling them to send experts so the country can see what kind of journalism had been happening," Alam was quoted by The Business Standard as saying at the meeting organised by the Broadcast Journalist Centre.

News of the World

It was not immediately clear what the UN "experts" would reveal that the news consumers of Bangladesh did not already know. Or what purpose this exercise would serve, except to act as a not-so-subtle pressure on the media to toe the line in future. But two things immediately jumped out from the statement.

Firstly, a government-appointed commission has already spent four months delving into the state of the media industry in the country. The commission published its report on 22 March, with detailed analyses on the state of various sectors of the media and a list of reform proposals. So why is there a new "investigation" needed into the past 15 years?

Secondly, the very action - investigation into journalism - gives the impression that the profession itself is under scrutiny. Investigations are common against individuals or organisations who are suspected of wrong-doings. Investigations normally focus on specific events or incidents. But the press secretary's statement suggested it is "journalism", that is, the profession itself, that will be "investigated."

The potential involvement of the UN may have been floated to give it an air of legitimacy, but it does not hide the potential motive behind the suggestion.

This is not to suggest that media are above the law or beyond scrutiny. Far from it. A journalist can, like anybody else, be the "offending party" in a criminal prosecution. For instance in 2014, the former Editor of Britain's "News of the World" newspaper was convicted on charges of phone-hacking and sentenced to 18 months in prison.

The phone-hacking case originated in the NOTW paper which led to Coulson's arrest in 2011. Coulson was Editor of NOTW between 2003 and 2007 when the hacking took place. He was Prime Minister David Cameron's Director of Communications between 2010 and 2001, when he resigned due to the ongoing investigation into the phone-hacking scandal at the NOTW.

The conviction of Coulson was such a blow to the NOTW that the owners of the 125-year old Sunday paper - Rupert Murdoch's News international - were forced to close it down.

That was a specific criminal charge against a specific journalist at a specific newspaper. The profession of journalism itself was not under investigation.

Campaign by NCP

But controversy over the media is not limited to the press secretary trying to open a new front against journalism. A war of words seems to have broken out between some key leaders of the National Citizens Party (NCP) and some leading lights of the journalist community. The NCP leaders' main target appears to be one major business house which owns couple of newspaper titles and one news channel.

The former adviser for information ministry and currently top leader of the NCP, Nahid Islam has called for the trial of Bashundhara Group, accusing them of "looting" people's money. But in a speech given at a campaign rally on 7 July, he asked, "How can they, even after the mass uprising, how can their media speak against the people, against the mass uprising?"

Levelling accusations of financial crimes against a business conglomerate is nothing new in Bangladesh. Many conglomerates which own newspapers and television channels have had their detractors in the past. Their closeness to the centres of power is also well documented.

Journalist leaders, probably mindful of the potential for violence against media people, have spoken out against such accusations by political leaders. Various groups, such as the National Press Club, the Journalists Union, Online Editors' Alliance etc., have issued statement expressing concern.

Some media organisations have been accused of being cheerleaders for police action to suppress last year's mass movement which led to the killing of at least 834 people. Photos and videos showing senior journalists expressing support for Sheikh Hasina during the July uprising have flooded social media once again, with suggestions that they supported or - however preposterous it may sound - even instigated the killings.

Reforms commission's proposals

At this stage, it is not clear why the media have been brought into the interim government's crosshairs. The government has many pressing issues to deal with, such as stimulating the economy, restoring business confidence so that investment would pick up, restoring law and order and suppressing mob violence. On top of all that sits the critical question of ensuring a free and fair election next February.

All very daunting tasks, which would require the full attention of the Yunus government. But an already less-than-stable situation could become more volatile through opening a new campaign against the media.

The media reforms commission's report went into some detail to document the impact of media owned by major business groups, especially during the Awami League rule since 2009. The commission made a strong case against granting media licenses to corporate bodies in the future. The commission made several recommendations to limit the power of a business house or individuals in the media.

In that context, it is rather strange that the government and its supporters are taking the path of threats, rather than take the commission's recommendations forward.

A major problem in Bangladesh appears to be a lack of understanding among political activists about the nature of a free media in a pluralist society. Journalism is not an exact science. It is built on ethics and values, and its operation is guided by the judgement of the editorial team who have the tough task of balancing the interests of the owners and needs of the audience. They enjoy the freedom to set the direction of their platform, and that is at the heart of "freedom of the press."

From a public interest point of view, there is a need for regulation, but its success would depend on the maturity of the political system. Media in the advanced democratic world, while subject to strong regulation, also enjoy the greatest freedom. Their freedom is underwritten by the regulations which foster a culture of responsibility and accountability.

The issue of ownership ought to be addressed through reforms of laws and rules governing granting of licenses, rather than threats from podiums.

There is little doubt that Bangladesh needs a code of conduct for the media. The code should ensure the media's freedom to set their own editorial direction, free from interference and pressure from the state or non-state actors, with protection from threats of mob violence. But the code should also make them accountable for content that impact lives of ordinary people adversely.

This is crucial in the new environment where digital media, especially social media, can have such devastating impact with far less editorial rigour than traditional outlets.

The writer is the former head of BBC Bangla and former managing editor of VoA Bangla. His X handle is @Sabir59.

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and views of The Business Standard.