Where did Bangladesh’s leftist parties go?

Once, Bangladesh's university and college campuses were filled with energetic chants for workers' rights and against imperialism.

Today, many of these same spaces resonate instead with the chants of mainstream student wings aligned with the dominant parties, leaving the left struggling for space, voice and, perhaps most crucially, relevance.

This decline has not been abrupt but rather a slow, multi-layered process — one tangled in a complex web of media marginalisation, structural stagnation, global ideological shifts, and social perception.

In the '60s and '70s, Marxist and socialist ideologies played a pivotal role in resisting autocracy in East Pakistan. Leftist factions like the Purbo Banglar Communist Party (PBCP) and East Bengal Workers Movement (EBWM) mobilised the masses and supported the Liberation War, though internal divisions, such as between pro-Moscow and pro-Beijing wings, weakened their long-term impact.

Post-independence, the left initially aligned with the Awami League's socialist vision, but many soon grew disillusioned. Groups like the Sarbohara Party rejected Mujib's leadership and pushed for revolution, often clashing with the government.

Mujib responded by forming the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL), a one-party system, further consolidating power and absorbing some leftist factions.

Although the left remained active in promoting egalitarianism and internationalist ideals, state repression and internal rifts hindered their growth. Then, Mujib's assassination in 1975 marked a shift towards capitalism under military rule, further marginalising leftist forces.

Later, military governance also cracked down on leftist movements, though many activists continued grassroots efforts.

With the return to parliamentary democracy in 1991, Bangladeshi politics became dominated by the AL-BNP binary, further sidelining leftist parties that either remained fragmented or aligned with larger parties for limited influence — such as the Workers Party of Bangladesh allying with the Awami League at the cost of ideological clarity, while groups like BSD stayed independent but electorally marginal. 

In the 2010s and beyond, leftist activism further declined amid state repression, with left-leaning voices targeted alongside others critical of authoritarianism and inequality. 

"Whenever there is a crisis, people have a curiosity: 'Where are the leftist organisations?' So this proves that their opinion matters. But once the crisis is over, they are no longer in the public interest."

Professor Anu Mohammed, former faculty member, Jahangirnagar University and left-leaning intellectual

Outpaced by centrist and populist movements like the quota reform and road safety protests, the left failed to unite or present a compelling alternative, and initiatives like the Ganosamhati Andolon or the Rastra Sangskar Andolon struggled to expand beyond urban intellectual circles.

Despite the recent mass uprising last year and the promise of a new political settlement in Bangladesh, leftist parties continue to grapple with marginalisation, hindered by internal divisions, limited public engagement and a failure to capitalise on the shifting political landscape, undermining their prospects for a cohesive and meaningful resurgence.

It is as if the direction of the country's mainstream politics keeps shifting, yet the plight of leftist politics remains stubbornly unchanged.

Media (in)visibility

Professor Anu Mohammed, a former faculty member of Economics at Jahangirnagar University and a well-known left-leaning intellectual, traces part of the problem to a lack of visibility in mainstream narratives.

"One of the major obstacles for the leftist organisations to attract more people is the media's negligence. The media does not highlight their activities like they do for other parties," he said.

In a political landscape heavily defined by spectacle, silence often means invisibility. While leftist organisations are frequently at the frontlines of protests — whether against environmental degradation, labour exploitation or foreign control over national assets — their efforts rarely capture media headlines.

This paradox gives rise to what Anu Mohammed describes as a peculiar relationship with public sentiment.

"Whenever there is a crisis, people have a curiosity: 'Where are the leftist organisations?' So this proves that their opinion matters. But once the crisis is over, they are no longer in the public interest," he observed.

In short, the left continues to exist as a moral compass — consulted in moments of ethical ambiguity, yet too quickly dismissed when pragmatism takes the wheel again.

Structural mediocrity and post-Soviet disillusionment

The issue of relevance is further explained by Professor Manosh Chowdhury of Jahangirnagar University's Department of Anthropology. He argues that the decline is not merely a matter of numbers but also of ideological and discursive strength.

"The decline took place in at least two ways. First, in terms of participant numbers. Second, and more seriously, in the relevance of their presence in the political landscape," he said.

He adds that this second aspect is often under-acknowledged, sometimes even denied by leftist actors themselves, as a form of ideological resistance to the mocking they receive from opponents.

But Manosh sees deeper structural issues.

"There are cognitive crises on their end. Many treat relevance as a brand issue rather than a strategic one. They show conviction in opposition to disrespectful remarks, but relevance is about taking the ball into the opponent's court."

During the 1980s, he argues, this was accomplished through charisma — a mix of intellect, wit, and public energy that helped the left resonate with broader sections of society. Today, that charisma is harder to find, especially within the ranks of left student organisations.

According to Manosh, part of this stems from the rigid, top-down organisational models that promote loyalty over talent.

"This structure often promoted mediocrity and denied the possibility of potent new leadership. It led to cult-like practices, centred around patriarchal males with exaggerated authority," he said.

Amartya Ray, president of Bangladesh Students' Union at Jahangirnagar University, shared the same concern and said, "So what I see here is that in Bangladesh, the leftist politics actually followed the Soviet model. But in the '90s, the Soviet Union collapsed after the Cold War."

"After that, leftist politics in Bangladesh went to a reactionary level. Because of that, for almost 30 years, leftist politics in Bangladesh lacked proper vision, and this is one of the many reasons why the leftist organisations are falling behind," he explained.

"Another thing is that we are currently in a postmodern age, and most of the leftist organisations follow the traditional way. I think it is high time we evolve and grow and step out of the traditional ways and collaborate and merge all the leftist organisations and make a collective effort. Only in this way can we determine what the future of leftist politics in Bangladesh will be," Ray added.

Student organisations have been central players — often "game makers" — in the broader national political landscape, especially during the pre- and post-independence periods.

Although they are primarily supposed to advocate for the rights and needs of students, many are now seen primarily advancing the interests of their parent political parties.

'Atheist image was successful propaganda'

Even as leftists battle organisational stagnation and media silence, they face another deeply entrenched challenge — perception.

Ruhin Hossain Prince, general secretary of the Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB), said, "The atheist image was a successful propaganda against us; we raise our voices for the labour class. But we actually do not see the sentiment that much."

But sentiment does exist, especially in the rural heartlands of Bangladesh, where left-leaning activists are still commonly equated with atheism — a stigma with powerful social ramifications in a deeply religious society.

For decades, successive authoritarian regimes, both before and after independence, have painted leftist ideologies as irreligious and anti-cultural. The effects linger.

This perception has significantly hampered the left's ability to build strong grassroots networks. In rural areas, an open association with atheism can provoke social ostracism or worse, leaving many would-be sympathisers silent or distant.

Prince further identified a lack of effective communication as a key problem. "Despite the enthusiasm, we could not do well in the electoral system. Somehow, we have failed to get enough publicity," he conceded.

Even attempts at internal unity have fallen short. Though various left student groups have formed alliances and 'morchas' to rally behind common causes, these efforts often collapse due to infighting.

Instead of strengthening the movement, internal rifts have led to multiple parallel committees within the same organisation. These internal contradictions continue to fracture an already vulnerable coalition.

Ray highlighted that another challenge lies in the nature of student motivation itself.

"Not everyone is motivated or driven by passion, especially the students. Most of the students from middle-class or lower-middle-class backgrounds often want to be in a political position where they benefit, be it in terms of jobs, settlement, or other facilities," he said.

"It's not that our activities are less or that we have not continued them. It's just that the facilities we could provide so far were limited. So only those who believe in our vision and philosophy joined. Maybe we were not successful enough in attracting students toward us, but in this current situation, I believe it is the right time for us to grow," he added.

Weakened but still breathing

Despite these hurdles, the obituary of the left would be premature. 

According to Dr Manisha Chakraborty, a central committee member of the Bangladesh Samajtantrik Dal (BaSaD), the left's presence is still deeply embedded in grassroots activism.

"You see, previously, when the leftist organisations protested against the Rampal power station, Sheikh Hasina stated in parliament that the leftists are only a few people without supporters. But these are political statements, not facts," she said.

She adds that even recently, leftists have been instrumental in leading various movements, including labour rights protests and the July movement. "Almost in half of the districts, the leftists led the movement and had valuable influence," she asserted.

Ray also noted that a pivotal moment came after 5 August last year. 

"We feel this more after 5 August. And we can only utilise this if we can reach all the places in Bangladesh, across all the spectrums and sectors, with a better vision of what the leftist organisations can offer in the new Bangladesh," he said.

Left-wing politicians, activists, and supporters were notably vocal and active during the July Revolution, while many remain hopeful that such moments could reignite broader public support; others are uncertain about whether this momentum can translate into sustained political revival.

According to Manisha, people are slowly starting to reconnect with leftist organisations out of necessity. "Commodity prices are rising rapidly, and it is the poor and middle-class people who suffer the most. They need a new system. As a result, they are joining us in street activism," she said.

Yet, she also acknowledges a core limitation — an undemocratic environment. "If we could secure a democratic environment, which is obviously a challenge, the left would grow stronger for the benefit of society," she said.

Global ideological shift

One cannot analyse the current predicament of left student organisations in Bangladesh without noting broader global transformations. The fall of the Soviet Union, once the ideological bastion of the global left, did more than redraw political maps — it disoriented entire generations of left activists.

According to Manosh Chowdhury, the post-Cold War period ushered in "a complex atmosphere globally," where philosophical and ideological spaces were gradually restructured to ridicule or marginalise leftist values.

New youth cultures emerged, often co-opted by consumer capitalism or centrist politics, leaving less room for radical alternatives.

Bangladesh, like many other post-colonial societies, adopted these shifts through its own political lens, resulting in a depoliticised student culture increasingly focused on careerism and party loyalty.

Meanwhile, "centrist" student organisations like the Chhatra League had established near-monopoly control over public universities and student unions across the country.

Religious student groups have also managed to maintain their presence and influence through strategic adaptation. But the left, despite its historical weight, has struggled to reassert itself in the same way.

Will the left resurge?

While left student organisations are far from extinguished, they are undoubtedly at a crossroads. If they are to reclaim relevance, visibility, and participation, several changes must occur — both within and outside the movement.

Anu Mohammed makes a case for strategic empowerment. "If we want a society without discrimination, injustice, torture, etc, the only option is to empower the leftist organisations. All other parties do discriminatory politics. It is the responsibility of those who want a discrimination-free Bangladesh to help the left operate better," he said.

His call is not just for ideological alignment, but also for civic responsibility. "You always need the opinions of the leftist organisations. If the left wing cannot be empowered, it will be a bad sign for the country," he warned.

Ruhin Hossain Prince shares this sentiment but stresses internal reform. "Communication with the people needs to be strengthened. That is our key challenge," he said.

Manosh, on the other hand, advocates for a broader introspection. He believes the left must abandon outdated structures, embrace new political vocabularies, and rebuild a more inclusive, charismatic leadership.

"Relevance means having the composure and ability to deal with disapproval. That is what needs to return," he said.

Ray concluded on a reflective note, "We, the leftist organisations, do not only work for five or 10 years. We have been doing this for hundreds of years and we will keep doing so. Our belief is not just in numbers. If there are 10 people who believe in us and speak the truth from their hearts — that's what our true values are.

"But if the vision of the future of the leftist organisations is renewed, we are hopeful that we will get a totally new view on this," he added.

Dr Manisha Chakraborty concluded with a vision of persistence and public need. "Day by day, people are gaining trust in us. If the system remains oppressive, our relevance will only grow stronger. But we must ensure we are ready to respond — not just in protest, but in vision," she said.