Parties talk of inclusivity, but Bangladeshi politics still belongs to men

As Bangladesh approaches its next national election, the primary candidate lists of the two major opposition parties tell a familiar story: men continue to dominate the political field.

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has announced only 10 female candidates and three from minority communities in its preliminary list. Even more shocking is that its de facto main opposition party, Jamaat-e-Islami, has none. 

The numbers alone reveal that not much progress has been made, which is a major letdown in post-uprising Bangladesh. This paints an even starker picture of structural exclusion, token gestures, and a political culture still controlled by men and money.

Samina Luthfa, professor of sociology at the University of Dhaka, expressed her disappointment, "To be very clear, expectations from the BNP were particularly high. Given the presence of so many capable female candidates — many of whom we know personally as highly active and competent political workers — it was deeply disappointing and condemnable that they were overlooked."

For Luthfa, the disappointment is not just about numbers, but about missed opportunities. "This could have been an opportunity for the BNP to show leadership as the biggest player in the current political field. They could have done it, and I believe they had the greatest capacity to do so."

The BNP's current list leaves 63 constituencies still unfilled. "We hope they will increase women's representation there. We expect the BNP to go far beyond the 5% benchmark," she said.

Yet the 5% mark, she noted, reflects a mindset of minimal obligation. "Our expectations are modest. But I fear that if later on the final list shows a higher number of women candidates, everyone will suddenly claim credit retroactively."

She also pointed to the party's preference for political legacies. "If we look at BNP's nominations this time, it seems that those who have been long associated with the party have been favoured. Perhaps they avoided taking risks with new faces. The women who were nominated mostly come from established political families."

The pattern, according to Luthfa, exposes how both major parties have turned politics into an inherited privilege. "Historically, women in Bangladesh have had little to no control over property or even their own earnings. So when the question of financing an election campaign arises, how are they supposed to manage it?" she asked.

"Setting spending limits alone will not achieve anything unless we also propose structural reforms to remove the economic barriers women face. And unless we can curb the dominance of money in elections, the implication is clear — those who spend crores to get elected will inevitably resort to corruption to recover their costs."

She added, "You can't solve these deep-rooted problems through superficial reforms; you need to address the underlying structural gaps. Otherwise, none of these issues will truly be resolved for anyone."

BNP says 'progress takes time'

Dr Saimum Parvez, special assistant on foreign affairs to the acting BNP chairperson, argued that progress should be seen as gradual.

"BNP believes in inclusivity and making way for female participation in politics, as has been evident from the past. However, progressive ideas like women's empowerment and minority inclusion don't materialise overnight — they develop gradually," Parvez told TBS. "Still, if we look at things comparatively, the BNP appears to be relatively more progressive than its other rivals."

He pointed to several new faces as evidence of that shift. 

"Human rights activist Sanjida Islam Tulee has been nominated, along with former Chhatra Dal president Shraban, Sunsila Jabrin Priyanka, and Barrister Putul — all new and young faces. This shows that our nominations reflect the Bangladesh we aspire to build — one that embraces people of all ages, faiths and backgrounds."

According to him, BNP's inclusivity flows from its nationalist philosophy. "One of the defining principles of Bangladeshi nationalism is inclusivity — the belief that people of all ethnicities, castes, religions, and languages should come together with equal dignity to build a united Bangladesh."

Still, Parvez acknowledged that the party's record leaves much room for improvement. "I believe that in the coming days, we'll see this reflected even more clearly in BNP's future nominations. At present too, BNP stands ahead of many other political parties in terms of progressiveness."

Jamaat says 'no fixed condition' for women

When asked about the absence of female candidates in Jamaat-e-Islami's list, the party's Secretary General Mia Golam Parwar told TBS, "This list of candidates is preliminary, not final. There will be additions, exclusions and changes. There are also matters of negotiation with other political parties. Therefore, a final list will be announced later from the central committee."

When asked whether the final list would include any female candidates, Parwar replied, "That is a matter for later. When the time comes to announce the final list, the situation at that moment will be taken into consideration."

NCP says 'politics still belongs to men'

From outside the mainstream parties, newer political voices see the problem as far deeper than lists or quotas.

Samantha Sharmin, senior joint convener of the National Citizen Party (NCP), argued that Bangladesh's political environment itself remains hostile to women.

"Among the political parties, there has been virtually no genuine effort to bring women to the forefront, to engage in politics with women as equals, or to create a social and political environment where women naturally and confidently take part in politics," she said.

"Instead, they have created an atmosphere where politics is marked by violence, confrontation and constant tension — a climate that makes political participation itself risky and uncertain," Samantha added.

She said money and male patronage remain the key currencies of power. "Given the overwhelming influence of money and muscle power, it becomes nearly impossible for a woman to engage in politics unless she has strong social or familial backing. In Bangladesh, merit and commitment to public service alone are not enough for women to survive in politics.

"If a woman lacks money or influence, her only advantage tends to come from family connections — a father, uncle or brother with political power. It is a system built on inherited male privilege — a form of 'man politics' that continues to dominate."

Sharmin added that even Bangladesh's two most powerful female leaders — Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia — rose through dynastic inheritance. "Had they not belonged to politically influential families, they too might never have risen to where they are today," she said.

For her, gestures like quotas or reserved seats are inadequate. "Without addressing the deeper structural problems, merely declaring that 10, 20, or even 30% of seats will go to women means nothing. That is not how equality is built.

"There is, quite simply, no conducive political environment for women in Bangladesh — and the outcome of the nomination process reflects that harsh truth, however unfortunate it may be."

While all parties claim to uphold inclusivity and progress, the gatekeeping structures remain almost entirely male. The result is a political landscape where women and minorities remain symbolic participants, not decision-makers.