Army at Ducsu Polls: 'Why bring in cannons to kill mosquitoes?'

The upcoming Dhaka University Central Students' Union (Ducsu) election has already been marred by a decision unprecedented in the history of the institution. The university authorities have announced that the army will be stationed as a "striking force" at the entrances of the campus on election day, 9 September. 

While national elections in the past have seen military deployment, never before has a student union election — an internal democratic exercise of the country's highest educational institution — been placed under such a security arrangement.   

The decision follows the one at Jahangirnagar University, where the upcoming Jucsu election will see military deployment on 11 September. The declaration has triggered shock, anger and disappointment among students and former leaders alike. Candidates contesting the election have strongly objected to such a decision.  

"None of us were consulted before this decision was made," said Umama Fatema, vice-president candidate from the Swatantra Shikkharthi Oikyo panel. "I oppose the decision. It is beyond our understanding why the army should be deployed for an internal student union election. We consider this an extremely humiliating matter for the university." 

Shaikh Tanvir Baree Hamim, who is running for the General Secretary (GS) post from the panel supported by Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Chatrodal, said, "Dhaka University is not in a state of war; there is no security concern whatsoever. Why would the administration consider army deployment? The students, especially the non-residents, are concerned about the decision; and justifiably so. We urge the administration to give us a clarification regarding the matter." 

"Nobody calls the military unless they are expecting violence. When the authorities are declaring army deployment, it gives a signal to the voters that there is a chance of violence. And it will deter non-resident students from coming and voting. It is an intentional attempt to keep the voter turnout low." MEGHMALLAR BOSU, GENERAL SECRETARY CANDIDATE, PROTIRODH PARISHAD

Ducsu elections have always carried symbolic importance in Bangladesh. They have produced national leaders, mobilised mass movements, and given political shape to youth aspirations. From the 1952 Language Movement to the anti-Ershad protests in the late 1980s, student politics has been a training ground for leadership.

That is why Mahmudur Rahman Manna, a former Ducsu vice-president and veteran of student politics in the 1970s and 1980s, reacted with disbelief. 

"How could such a decision be taken in such a sensitive place as Dhaka University, where there is already a history of clashes between students and the army? Even under the then military regime, we never saw such decisions being made. The police themselves were not even allowed to enter the campus," he told BBC Bangla. 

If even under direct military dictatorship the sanctity of Dhaka University was preserved from army intervention, why has the university administration today chosen this path? The contrast with the past is clearly indicative: rather than strengthening civilian mechanisms of law and order within the campus, the decision shifts responsibility onto the military, further eroding democratic norms.

Altaf Parvez, researcher of South and Southeast Asian history and a political analyst, sees this as part of a broader decline in Bangladesh's social trust. 

His observation connects the decision to the wider political climate. Deploying soldiers in student elections is not merely a security measure; it signals that institutions can no longer rely on the natural bonds of trust between administrators, teachers, and students. 

This erosion of social capital has profound consequences. Universities are meant to be spaces where young people learn democratic values — compromise, participation, respect for rules, and peaceful competition. If elections in such spaces require army oversight, then the message to students is not one of empowerment but of suspicion.

The justification given to the BBC Bangla by Professor Mohammad Jasim Uddin, Chief Returning Officer of the Ducsu election, reflects this deep anxiety. 

"When we previously spoke with students and other stakeholders, they expressed concerns about security. At that time, we assured them that all necessary measures would be taken to ensure their safety. This decision has been made in line with that assurance and the students' demands," he said.

Even the offer to withdraw deployment if students object, as Professor Jasim suggested, fails to address the underlying contradiction. The administration interprets "safety" as militarisation, not as confidence-building or structural reform. Instead of strengthening internal mechanisms such as the proctorial team, campus security, or dialogue-based conflict resolution, the recourse has been to bring in an external force. Worse, it is a force whose presence historically recalls episodes of violent confrontation between students and the army in 2007.

Altaf Parvez said, "This incident seems to carry profound social and political messages. It provides an indication of the capacity, authority and acceptability of administrations [in the educational institutions] within their respective spheres. It also makes clear the extent to which the authorities trust — or do not trust — the students." 

"If students did not want soldiers in the first place, why was the decision taken without their consent? Consultation after imposition is no consultation at all," said Tanvir Baree Hamim, "It shows the weakness of the administration." 

Student unions exist to represent youth voices. Their elections are supposed to embody democratic spirit: peers selecting peers, and disagreements resolved through ballots, not batons. The presence of soldiers at the gates turns this democratic exercise into an event of intimidation. It suggests that violence is expected, that students cannot be trusted, and that democratic practices cannot function without the shadow of military power.

Meghmallar Bosu,  who is running for the GS post from 'Protirodh Parishad', an alliance of left-wing student organisations, thinks the decision is an intimidation tactic to reduce the voter footfall. 

"Nobody calls the military unless they are expecting violence. When the authorities are declaring army deployment, it gives a signal to the voters that there is a chance of violence. And it will deter non-resident students from coming and voting. It is an intentional attempt to keep the voter turnout low," he said. 

This sets a dangerous precedent. If DUCSU needs soldiers, what will happen during the national election expected in 2026? If universities need the army to maintain order, what does that imply for other civil institutions? Once normalised, this dependency could spread, making the army an omnipresent arbiter of civilian disputes.  

Nahiyan Faruque, who is running for the post of Literature and Cultural Affairs Secretary from the Boishommobirodhi Shikkharthi Sangsad, echoed similar sentiment. 

"If there is fear of a situation so grave that it requires army deployment, then why hold the Ducsu election at all? If the administration can predict such a scenario, what success can they claim over the past year? Withdraw the decision to deploy the army. If such fears exist, then everyone should sit together and resolve them." 

For democracy to thrive, it must be nurtured in its most basic spaces — universities, unions and associations. 

As Altaf Parvez put it, "When campuses are demanding democracy, and the very elections of Ducsu, Jucsu, and Rucsu are being held as a reflection of those demands, the fact that the very same voters — who are essentially peers — cannot cast their ballots peacefully in front of their familiar teachers without the army being called in is indeed a weighty message."