Against bias, money, and power: Dhaka’s women candidates fight an uphill battle ahead of national polls

Collage: TBS

On a recent evening in the Dhaka-9 constituency, a woman edged through a knot of voters gathered on a narrow street to speak to Tasnim Jara—a former National Citizen Party (NCP) leader now contesting the parliamentary election as an independent candidate.

"You have come a long way to work for us," the woman said, visibly emotional as she embraced her. "You left a life of comfort. Others only come to rob us, but you will build this nation beautifully. You will win."

Jara appeared moved. She smiled and gently asked for the woman's prayers.

"I am receiving profound love from the people," Jara said later. "Wherever I go, people show me immense warmth. As an independent candidate without the backing of a large party, this has been vital—and this love and reaction encourage me to keep going and work for the people."

That recognition did not come from party machinery. 

Jara first became widely known as a doctor who produced accessible health-awareness videos and launched 'Shohay,' an app that supports pregnant women. By the time she entered the race, her public profile was already established.

Even then, getting on the ballot was a test for her. With the clock ticking, she fought a last-minute battle to submit the required 4,700 voter signatures to the Election Commission after her candidacy was initially rejected. She later challenged the decision and won back her candidacy.

The episode underscored a central theme of this election: for many women, simply stepping forward to run became the first hurdle. Only a handful of candidates are competing in this election, as major political parties failed to honor their promise—made during months-long reform discussions—to field the required number of candidates.

Bangladesh's run-up to the 12 February parliamentary polls followed months of debate on political reform after last year's upheaval. Parties broadly agreed to field at least 5% women candidates. In practice, however, the numbers fell far short.

Major parties nominated only a handful of women nationwide. Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, one of the main challengers in the election, fielded none. In Dhaka, women remain a small minority on the ballot—though those who are contesting say the experience has laid bare both entrenched barriers and surprising opportunities.

In Dhaka-14, Sanjida Islam Tulee, founder of Mayer Daak, is contesting for Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). Long before stepping into electoral politics, she campaigned for families of enforced disappearance victims at a time when few dared to speak publicly about it.

Now on the campaign trail, she is promising to improve Dhaka-14. Alongside BNP's central manifesto, she has developed constituency-specific plans based on local needs and is campaigning across the constituency on that platform.

The gendered pushback

If enthusiasm is one side of the story, resistance is the other. In Dhaka-20, Nabila Tasnid, an NCP candidate contesting with the lily bud symbol, says gender bias has surfaced in ways that directly undermine alliance politics.

Campaigning in Dhamrai, a constituency that is administratively part of Dhaka but socially closer to rural Bangladesh, Nabila found that female leadership still triggers scepticism.

"A male candidate doesn't need to prove himself first," she said. "Society assumes men are fit for leadership. For women, the first question is whether leadership under a woman will even work."

Her most serious defector, however, came from within her own electoral alliance. While Jamaat-e-Islami has publicly backed the alliance's decision to support her candidacy, another allied party – Khelafat Majlish – did not withdraw its nominee.

Nabila says that candidate, Mufti Ashraf Ali, has continued campaigning independently, using negative messaging about women's leadership. "He is deliberately exploiting the fact that I am a woman," she said. "If this were a contest between two men, this wouldn't be possible."

The campaign, she argues, not only targets her personally but weakens the alliance itself. "This undermines the very purpose of forming a coalition," she said, calling the approach "deeply unfortunate".

In Dhaka-19, Dilshana Parul—another NCP candidate—has encountered a different reality. Working closely with Jamaat-e-Islami's grassroots network, she says she found unexpected acceptance among conservative voters.

Parul, who lived abroad for years and comes from a progressive political background, does not usually wear hijab. But while campaigning in conservative neighbourhoods, she chose to drape a scarf over her head as a gesture of cultural sensitivity – particularly during late-night meetings with religious party workers.

"No one forced me," she said. "It was my own understanding of respect."

What surprised her was the response. "Not a single person questioned my clothing or my leadership," she said. "They treated me warmly, asked serious political questions, and accepted me as a leader."

However, the backlash came later – online, she said.

When photos of those meetings circulated on social media, Parul became the target of intense harassment. "The mental harassment, verbal abuse and emotional bullying were overwhelming," she said. "And it mostly came from urban, so-called progressive circles – not from conservatives."

She was especially taken aback by criticism from women who identify as rights activists. "The worst trolling came from women who talk about women's rights," she noted, calling the double standard "deeply disturbing".

Money, media and muscle

Beyond ideology, the candidates point to two structural barriers that disproportionately affect women: money and media.

Campaigning is expensive, and access to finance remains uneven. Parul said that without personal wealth or party funding, candidates are forced to rely on crowdfunding—an approach she calls unrealistic in Bangladesh's political environment.

A male candidate doesn't need to prove himself first. Society assumes men are fit for leadership. For women, the first question is whether leadership under a woman will even work. The system is not as supportive to women as it is to men. That's why many capable women hesitate to come forward.

Nabila Tasnid, NCP candidate, Dhaka-20

Unlike the few instances of the likes of Tasnim Jara and Barrister Fuad who command a massive online following, "crowdfunding alone cannot run an election here. Politics still runs on money and muscle power."

Media coverage is another obstacle. Parul argues that female candidates are often judged less on political substance than on appearance or celebrity appeal.

"If I were a celebrity, this election would have been half as difficult," she said. "The media looks for glamour, not grassroots political work."

Nabila echoed the concern. "The system is not as supportive to women as it is to men," she said. "That's why many capable women hesitate to come forward."

Women's pledges for a better city

Against that backdrop, women candidates say they are trying to reframe politics around practical solutions rather than patronage.

In Dhaka-9, Jara's manifesto reads more like a service-delivery blueprint than a campaign pamphlet. She highlights what she calls discriminatory urban governance: residents pay taxes comparable to affluent neighbourhoods such as Gulshan or Banani, she argues, but receive "third-class" services.

Among her headline proposals is a "No Service, No Bill" policy—draft legislation that would bar utility companies from charging households when services such as gas are not supplied. 

She also pledges tougher action against LPG syndicates, year-round dengue control, modernised drainage, and strict deadlines for road repairs.

Healthcare is central to her pitch. Dhaka-9, home to an estimated 700,000–800,000 residents, relies primarily on Mugda Medical College Hospital, a 500-bed facility that Jara says is overwhelmed. Drawing on her medical background, she promises to push for additional staffing, functional equipment, and upgraded community clinics to ease pressure on hospitals.

Public safety is another focus. "A city that cannot keep women safe cannot call itself developed," she said during campaigning, pledging better lighting, CCTV coverage on key corridors, and tougher action against drug syndicates.

BNP candidate Sanjida Islam Tulee's campaign in Dhaka-14 is anchored in the party's broader "state-building plan", with a particular focus on poverty reduction, family security and service delivery. 

Central to this is the proposed Family Card scheme — part of BNP's national policy — which would provide vulnerable households with monthly financial assistance of around Tk2,000 to Tk2,500 or equivalent food support, including rice, lentils, oil and salt. 

At the constituency level, Tulee has pledged zero tolerance towards drugs, gangs and organised crime, alongside efforts to recover canals, modernise drainage systems and create pedestrian-friendly roads and footpaths. 

Her programme includes expanding health services through functional community clinics in every ward, regular free medical camps, mobile health vans for slums and densely populated areas, and increased capacity in public hospitals with low-cost diagnostic services for the poor. 

She has also promised sustained anti-dengue campaigns, improved waste management, and special attention to maternal and child health.

For education and youth development, Tulee has committed to upgrading schools, addressing teacher shortages and supporting poor and meritorious students. 

She has outlined plans for new playgrounds and parks for children and young people, as well as initiatives to improve local infrastructure — ranging from road repairs and bridge construction to gas, electricity and safe water supply. 

She also speaks of creating planned markets, expanding employment opportunities locally, and pushing for a full-fledged modern hospital and a new college in under-served areas of the constituency.

Meanwhile, Nabila's campaign in Dhaka-20 is shaped by a project-based approach drawn from her decade-long career in corporate risk and compliance.

Rather than broad political pledges, she frames the election itself as a complex management task requiring clear timelines, accountability and measurable outcomes.

If elected, she says she would prioritise evidence-based policymaking, working with subject-matter experts to identify the interventions most appropriate for Dhamrai — a constituency she believes has long been treated as peripheral despite its economic potential.

At the local level, Nabila's agenda centres on transforming agriculture, skills and education. She wants to modernise farming by introducing technology and creating a complete agricultural ecosystem, including rented tool centres in every union so small farmers can access modern machinery at low cost.

She also plans to convert Dhamrai's large population into skilled human resources through free technical and vocational training, particularly targeting women, who make up more than half of the local workforce. In education, she proposes a comprehensive overhaul focused on infrastructure, teacher support and student outcomes, alongside the creation of a government-backed recruitment and profiling system to connect local youth with jobs at home and abroad.

Her aim, she says, is to turn Dhamrai into a model for how a neglected semi-rural constituency can be systematically developed within a five-year term.

Despite the hurdles, the women candidates say the election has shown glimpses of change.

Parul recalls elderly religious men blessing her during door-to-door visits. Nabila says the appetite for new leadership – especially among young voters – remains strong. And Jara believes the conversation around women in politics is beginning to shift, even if slowly.

"We have to make online and offline spaces safe for women," Jara said, referring to the trolling and character assassination she has faced. "Without making these spaces safe, women will not be encouraged to enter politics."

She believes the stakes go beyond a single election.

"True empowerment will come when more women lead in politics—not just as a token presence at the top, but across every level of administration and decision-making. We have to create that space," Jara said.