Bangladesh's Gen-Z battles to gain political ground after ousting Hasina

Highlights:

• Student-led NCP seen struggling to turn street power into votes
• Survey puts NCP in third place after BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami
• Weak organisation, scarce funds, vague positions hurt party
• Considers alliances despite risk of losing its appeal

Thousands in Bangladesh flocked to hear the plans of the students who toppled long-time leader Sheikh Hasina when they launched a new political party this year, but now it finds itself struggling to translate the street power into votes.

Fighting to deliver on its promise to free the nation from decades of nepotism and two-party dominance, the student-led National Citizen Party (NCP) faces entrenched rivals with deep networks and resources as polls approach in February.

"Our organisation is weak because we haven't had enough time to build it," said its chief Nahid Islam, prominent in last year's deadly anti-government protests who served briefly in the caretaker administration under Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus.

"We are aware of this, but we are still taking on the challenge," added the 27-year-old, speaking from the party office in a high-rise in Dhaka, the capital, where one wall was covered in graffiti depicting crowds in revolt.

Polls show party pushed to third place

Opinion polls show the NCP, which aims to contest all 300 seats, in third place, with support of just 6%, far behind the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) of former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia, which leads with 30%.

Even the hardline Jamaat-e-Islami will do better than the NCP, coming in second with 26%, a December poll by a US-based non-profit, the International Republican Institute, showed.

"When they first launched, I saw hope in them, like everyone," said Prapti Taposhi, 25, who helped lead the revolt and looked to the newcomers to break decades of rule by two dominant parties, only to say she was eventually disappointed.

"They say they are centrist, but their actions don't match that," added Taposhi, a feminist activist.

"They hesitate to take positions on important issues, whether it's minority rights or women's rights, and when they do, it comes too late."

Another sign of growing disenchantment was the party's failure to win a single seat in September's student body election at Dhaka University, the epicentre of the uprising that forced Hasina to flee to New Delhi.

Hasina's Awami League, which remains barred from contesting the election, has warned of unrest if the ban is not lifted, a threat that could imperil Bangladesh's textile industry, the world's second biggest garment exporter.

Talks for political alliance

Hampered by a skeletal structure, scarce funds, and a stance on key issues such as rights for women and minorities widely seen as unclear, the NCP is holding talks with other parties, including the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami, leaders say.

"If we stand independently, there is a chance we may not win even one seat," a senior NCP leader told Reuters on condition of anonymity, acknowledging the risks.

On the other hand, say analysts, an alliance risks diluting the party's "revolutionary" image.

"If they ally, the public will no longer see them as a distinct force outside the Awami League, BNP and Jamaat," said Dhaka-based writer and political analyst Altaf Parvez.

While the uprising briefly united students across party lines to oust Hasina, most returned to their respective groups afterwards, leaving just a fraction to form the NCP, said political analysts and one NCP leader.

Now the party faces rivals with long-entrenched networks and well-oiled machinery stretching deep into villages.

Fundraising is a hurdle

Money is another hurdle, Islam said, as members rely on salaries from full-time jobs, small donations and crowdfunding to keep campaigns afloat.

Some, like 28-year-old Hasnat Abdullah, have tried to drum up support by going door-to-door in villages.

"In my constituency, I tell people I am penniless," he said, referring to an eastern region where he plans to contest. "I told them a leader's main job is not to give voters money, but to ensure government funds are properly allocated and used."

Graft accusations against some NCP leaders, which the party denies, saying it has a zero-tolerance policy on corruption, have further dented its image, however.

'Offering something new'

Yet some young people are still inclined to support the party, seeing it as striving for a more egalitarian culture in a political landscape shaped by money, muscle and dynastic power.

"They are young, they led the revolution, and I'm hopeful they can deliver change — as long as they don't turn authoritarian themselves," said one such backer, university student Manzila Rahman.

The NCP launched an unusual search for candidates in November, interviewing more than 1,000 applicants among ordinary citizens nationwide over two days.

Young party leaders moved from booth to booth interviewing hopefuls, including a rickshaw puller who took a day off work for the tryout, and a 23-year-old student partially blinded by police pellets during the protests.

"Some may think a rickshaw puller has nothing to offer in parliament," said Mohammad Sujan Khan, 32. "Give me a chance and see what I do to change the country."

The chance of such a future attracted Tasnim Jara, a doctor who left a successful career in Cambridge to join the NCP, seeking to help build it from the ground up.

"We want to open up politics, not keep it confined to powerful families, and give power back to ordinary people," she said.

BNP and Jamaat leaders also see value in engaging with students.

"It's the young people who are going to dominate politics in the future, so it will be good if we can accommodate them in parliament," said BNP leader Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir.

NCP leaders say they are thinking beyond the upcoming vote, aiming for institutional and structural reform in the long term.

"Win or lose, just by taking part in the election, we are offering something new," said NCP's Abdullah.