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SATURDAY, JULY 05, 2025
Why Ganobhaban should serve both as museum and govt head's residence

Thoughts

Zahid Newaz Khan
07 September, 2024, 07:20 pm
Last modified: 07 September, 2024, 07:21 pm

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Why Ganobhaban should serve both as museum and govt head's residence

If the museum and the residence are side by side, s/he will constantly see the true power of the people every morning and evening

Zahid Newaz Khan
07 September, 2024, 07:20 pm
Last modified: 07 September, 2024, 07:21 pm
People enter and loot Ganobhaban, the Prime Minister’s residence, following the resignation of Sheikh Hasina in Dhaka, Bangladesh, on August 5, 2024. Photo: TBS
People enter and loot Ganobhaban, the Prime Minister’s residence, following the resignation of Sheikh Hasina in Dhaka, Bangladesh, on August 5, 2024. Photo: TBS

A headline from the state-owned news agency Bangladesh Sangbad Sangstha (BSS) reads: "Decision to turn Ganobhaban into the 'July Uprising Memorial Museum'."

According to the report, the interim government has decided to turn Ganobhaban, the official residence of the prime minister of Bangladesh, into the July Uprising Memorial Museum. 

The decision was made on Thursday (5 September), at a meeting of the advisory council of the interim government presided over by Chief Adviser Professor Dr Muhammad Yunus at his office in Tejgaon.

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Later in the evening, Youth and Sports Advisor Asif Mahmud Sajib Bhuiyan announced the decision of the advisory council at the Foreign Service Academy in the capital.

He stated that Ganobhaban would be opened to the public and transformed into the July Uprising Memorial Museum to preserve the memories of the martyrs and commemorate the injustices committed during "the previous fascist regime".

The adviser mentioned that the activities to transform Ganobhaban into a museum will begin soon. The building will be preserved in its current state as left by the people, with a museum inside to conserve the memories of the uprising.

Additionally, he mentioned plans to establish a foundation in memory of the martyrs. He also indicated that the chief adviser and the advisory council would soon meet with the families of the martyrs.

Although the process of forming the foundation might take some time, it would have been beneficial, say, if the chief adviser could meet the families of the martyrs before his speech at the UN General Assembly.

We can never bring back the children lost by their parents. No compensation can ever fully compensate the families, especially the parents, siblings, and children of the martyrs. 

However, through such a meeting, we can at least express our gratitude to them formally and as a national tribute.

Grief is ultimately personal, but we can give formal recognition to their sacrifice in the glory of the collective. We can remind them once again that the martyrs are at the pinnacle of that glory. The grief may not subside, but the parents and children will know that the greater good for which they made the ultimate sacrifice has not been forgotten.

Similarly, it would be beneficial if the chief adviser attended a representatives' conference of the students who organised the movement in July. He could listen to representatives from various public and private universities and colleges. The government could also present the roadmap for the reforms it has been planning. The chief adviser could give an advisory and directive speech to the students, explaining how the interim government plans to engage the youth in constructive activities.

Moreover, the chief adviser should attend a conference with representatives from various classes and professions who joined the July movement, turning it into a student-people uprising. Their role in the movement was not insignificant. They had other aspirations alongside the single demand. The interim government should clearly understand these aspirations, too.

Let us remember those days. When students were being killed one after another, very few stood by them at first or had the courage to do so. However, those who did stand by them initially became the spark that ignited the torch. Representatives of the civil society were there, as were teachers, lawyers, doctors, engineers, retired military officers, journalists, painters, artists, actors, day labourers, and rickshaw pullers. They stood against the tide of their respective professions, participating in the student movement, which eventually turned into a mass uprising.

They do not need any other recognition, but their voices need to be heard. A large conference can be organised for this purpose. The chief adviser can listen to them, and it is crucial to hear their aspirations to build the inclusive society that the interim government has been talking about.

Perhaps the Yunus-led government will undertake this. However, the proposal about turning Ganobhaban into a museum requires further discussion.

Bengalis are a forgetful nation. We can see evidence of this in the way we have turned the great Liberation War of 1971 and its original spirit into mere commodities. We fought a war to achieve independence. The core principles of independence were equality, human dignity, and social justice. But after the war, we abandoned these principles. Later, some used the Liberation War to establish kleptocracy and democracy without real democratic principles. Others sought to deny the Liberation War altogether. In this way, both sides disrespected the martyrs.

The same happened with the student-led mass uprising of 1990. After sacrificing hundreds of lives, we began a new journey toward democracy. But soon after, we veered towards autocracy, which eventually took the form of quasi one-party rule. We have no significant memorials for that uprising, just as we had no recognition or implementation of its aspirations.

Memorials are important, but the realisation of those aspirations is even more important. It would be ideal if both could happen together. Therefore, we want to add something to the proposal to turn Ganobhaban into the memorial museum for the July movement.

Simply put, Ganobhaban should simultaneously serve as a museum and the official residence of the elected head of the government. We hope that an election will take place under this interim government after a 'logical time,' to ensure reforms. The elected head of government will reside in Ganobhaban, one part of which will also function as a memorial museum. The front part will serve as a museum, and the back part the residence of the head of government.

During the renovation, the current state of Ganobhaban should be preserved. For instance, the sections of the boundary walls broken by the people should be repaired but remain black at the broken parts. The sudden patches of black amidst the orderly rows of neatly laid bricks will serve as a testimony to why those sections are black. The walls could be adorned with pictures of the martyrs of the movement and some iconic graffiti.

Whenever the elected head of government passes by the boundary walls or the museum, s/he will repeatedly see the black patches, the faces of the martyrs, and the graffiti. This will be a reminder that forgetting those people can have severe consequences. If the museum and the residence are side by side, s/he will constantly see the true power of the people every morning and evening.

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Ganobhaban / government / Museum

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