Why election observation has limited impact in Bangladesh

The voting day for the 13th Parliamentary Election is approaching, and once again a large number of domestic and international election observers have applied for accreditation. Their presence is often highlighted as a symbol of transparency. 

Yet, after more than 30 years of managing and overseeing election observation in Bangladesh, one conclusion stands out: despite the expansion of observation initiatives, their actual impact on electoral integrity has been minimal.

Early years: Observation without structure

Election observation in Bangladesh began informally in the early 1990s, particularly around the 5th Parliamentary Election. Before this period, a few civil society groups observed elections on a limited scale, without any formal recognition, accreditation, or standardised methodology. The Election Commission had no policy framework, no reporting requirements, and no mechanism to engage with observer findings.

During the 5th Parliamentary Election, domestic observers were not issued accreditation cards. Only international observers received formal permission—59 in total. Meanwhile, nearly 30,000 domestic observers applied for permission but operated without official status. Their findings rarely reached the public or the Election Commission in any meaningful way.

1996: The first comprehensive guidelines

A major institutional shift occurred before the 7th Parliamentary Election in 1996, when the Election Commission formulated the first comprehensive guidelines for both domestic and international observers. This was a landmark development, introducing accreditation procedures, standardized reporting formats, and basic standards for observation missions. 

For the first time, election observation became a structured part of the electoral process. In that election, 45,000 domestic observers from 17 organisations and 265 international observers from various missions and countries were accredited.

2001: Legal recognition of election observation

Election observation received legal backing for the first time in 2001, just before the 8th Parliamentary Election, through an amendment to the Representation of the People Order (RPO). A new provision, Article 91C, was added, formally recognising the role of election observers. The Election Commission also introduced two separate, detailed guidelines for domestic and international observers. 

In the 8th Parliamentary Election, 218,000 domestic observers from 69 organisations were accredited, and international observers from 32 countries and organisations participated, marking the largest deployment of observers in Bangladesh's electoral history up to that point.

2008: Registration of domestic observer organisations

Before the 9th Parliamentary Election, the Election Commission attempted to introduce a registration system for domestic observer organisations. Although it could not be implemented before the election, the initiative was completed shortly afterward, ahead of the municipal (Pourashava) elections, formally registering 120 domestic observer organisations for the first time. 

In the 9th Parliamentary Election in 2008, 159,113 domestic observers from 75 registered organisations were accredited, while 593 international observers from foreign missions and international organisations participated. Since then, Bangladesh has seen hundreds of observer groups across national and local elections, making observation a routine feature of the electoral landscape.

Quantity over quality: The core problem

Despite the impressive numbers, the effectiveness of election observation has remained limited. Several persistent issues explain why:

1. Weak reporting culture: Most domestic observer organisations rarely submitted comprehensive reports to the Election Commission. Many prepared internal reports for donors or their own networks, but these were not shared systematically with the authorities responsible for electoral reform.

In many cases, organisations did not even deploy the number of observers for which they received accreditation. Field-level challenges—such as difficulties obtaining accreditation cards or resistance from local actors—further weakened their effectiveness.

2. Lack of follow-up mechanisms: Even when reports were submitted, the Election Commission lacked an institutional mechanism to review, analyse, or act on the recommendations. Valuable insights—when they existed—were not translated into policy or procedural improvements.

3. Inconsistent methodology: Observer groups varied widely in capacity, training, and methodology. Some deployed well-trained observers; others relied on volunteers with minimal preparation. This inconsistency undermined the credibility and usefulness of their findings.

4. Limited influence on electoral reform: Across three decades, there is little evidence that recommendations from observer groups have shaped electoral laws, procedures, or administrative practices. Reforms—when they occurred—were driven by political negotiations, judicial decisions, or internal Election Commission initiatives, not by observation reports.

5. Symbolic presence rather than substantive impact: In many elections, observation became more symbolic than substantive. The presence of observers was used to signal transparency, but their ability to influence the process or outcomes remained marginal.

Has election observation improved elections?

This is the central question. Based on more than 30 years of professional experience inside the Bangladesh Election Commission and direct involvement in managing domestic and international observation, the answer is sobering.

Election observation in Bangladesh has rarely contributed in a meaningful way to making elections more free, fair, or transparent. Observers have documented irregularities, violence, and administrative weaknesses, but these findings seldom translated into corrective action. The gap between observation and reform has remained wide.

The way forward

If election observation is to play a meaningful role, several reforms are essential. Accreditation standards should be strengthened to ensure that only capable organisations participate, and timely submission of reports should be required as a condition for future accreditation. 

A dedicated unit within the Election Commission should be established to analyse observer findings and integrate recommendations into reform processes. All observation reports should be published to promote transparency and public trust, while training and methodology must be enhanced to ensure consistency, professionalism, and credibility. 

Without these reforms, election observation will remain largely symbolic—high in visibility but low in impact—rather than a tool for strengthening democracy.

Asaduzzaman Arzu is a former Director General in the Electoral Training Institute of Bangladesh Election Commission.

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and views of The Business Standard.