Bangladesh cannot afford another unrest

The resilient and unwavering spirit of the student protests will continue to shape our nation. As Ernst Rohm said, "All revolutions devour their own children." The right to protest is the bedrock of our independence and constitution, and it is a testament to the enduring spirit of my students. Badruddin Umar has described the present anti-quota movement as the most intense since 1952.

Let's take a brief stock of the protests that have captivated our nation and garnered international attention over the past two weeks. These protests have touched every micro unit of statecraft, bringing public lives to a standstill. At least 206 lives met a tragic death, a curfew was imposed, and the military was deployed. The economy is severely ruptured. 

Interestingly, the remittance earners joined the protests by reducing inward remittance through banking channels - a unique quandary in our history. An unprecedented number of people have been detained, including six movement coordinators, on the grounds of "safe custody." 

In defense of the Detective Branch (DB) of the Police's actions to keep the coordinators under the obscure term of safe custody, the Additional Attorney General informed the court, "I saw on TV that these six are eating with forks" with the DB chief. The High Court (HC) responded, "Whoever you detain, you make them sit at the dining table. Who is asking you to do these things? Do not mock the nation in this manner." 

The HC expressed its shame over the violence and loss of lives during the quota reform protests. Misuse of the law and the lower courts, and bypassing the Constitution, again became apparent. As a result, a voluntary and civil society-led National Public Inquiry Commission, with eminent youth-driven lawyers such as Aneek Haque, Manzur Al Matin, and Jyotirmoy Barua, among others, has been formed to investigate allegations of gross violations of laws and rights.

The public narratives continue to expose fierce reactions, despite the government's attempt to reach the aggrieved segment of the populace and the apex court's verdict in favour of the students. 

It's crucial to ask why the public's exasperation persists.

Let me start with an example of a recent and widely watched talk show on Channel I. A pro-AL media personality incited further public agony and perpetuated deep societal division through his description of recent events. The speaker's dismissive attitude toward the female host of the show was a display of intolerance of different opinions, which has the potential to further worsen the already dwindling public image of the ruling regime. 

Reading the heaps of public comments on the social media links to that show, I was particularly repelled by the incapability of certain AL-backed judicial actors to deliver any sane judgment. AL seems least bothered to control inflammatory narratives and conspiracy theorists. 

Take the statements of certain ministers on digital blackouts or infrastructure as a brief example - the tech-savvy youth find it an utter insult to their basic IQ. If one takes the tragic martyrdom of young Abu Saeed, it is painful to hear the preposterous statements issued by the constabulary, despite widely available digital evidence. This is sheer arrogance of power. 

I am sure that the global media and rights-based agencies have sweeping records of the events, which could greatly assist in digital forensics. As the Orwellian quip goes: "Big Brother is watching you." Nonetheless, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has called for cooperation from the UN and other international organizations to investigate the nationwide violence.

However, the level of sycophancy persisting in the party hierarchy is crucial to understanding public exasperation. It thrives without a political check and balance, and the confusing narratives the regime has pursued for decades through its appointees and beneficiaries. The blanket and binary use of the glorious liberation terminologies for kleptocratic profit is another source of exasperation. 

Then, instead of political dialogue, the use of force and impunity has created an environment of fear. As history reminds us, fear leads to resistance movements. Many question whether the highest government office receives an accurate political assessment of grassroots reality and resentment from its political barons.

The government declared a national mourning day to honour fallen lives. Unsurprisingly, social fatigue, moral empathy gaps, and disparaging political statements overshadowed the effort. 

In an op-ed published by The Business Standards on January 09, 2024, I warned that stability in the future would depend on three conditions for the new government. 

First, the composition of the cabinet. I am sure we can see the performance! The second is linked to establishing accountability; the third condition is political culture and economic disparity. 

The underlying theory behind these three conditions was simple—an intertwined functioning of a changing social demography, technologies, and access to entitlements. Here, the key actors are the disenfranchised youth. The absence of political aspirations in this theoretical construct can be noted. Hence, a political awning of the socio-economic demands would backfire. It has backfired!

During the first week, a lack of genuine political sympathy was palpable, aggrieving the disfranchised. Boosting of the tarred and feathered student wing of the ruling party remained a focus for AL. The continued digital blackout hurts the private sector and the youth. Statist narratives resorted to branding infrastructure development instead of acknowledging disparity and deaths. And ubiquitous bloodshed made the public have a conniption.

Undoubtedly, the government's inevitably crucial task is restoring public order. This is a standard security protocol that any state would pursue. But authorization to use live bullets against citizens, regardless of identity, cannot be justified. Discernibly, the denial of brutality and political failures will continue to convolute public spaces. The public memory matters. 

On top of that, the blanket use of "extremism" has returned to discourse, putting a weighty punch on the AL wooers' crowing claim of an extremism-free investment climate. This has far-fetched implications for Bangladesh's international relations. 

The BJP in New Delhi, AL's indispensably musing ally, seems confusingly silent on the causes of the uprise, extremism narrative, and burgeoning anti-India sentiment, as highlighted by high-decibel Indian media. 

Beijing will intelligibly avoid engaging in internal matters, but remain deeply concerned about the economy, leaving space for the imperceptive BJP to spruce up Dhaka's politics with Washington, D.C. 

The West has lost further confidence in political institutions, the EU has postponed cooperation talks, and the UN agencies are set to mobilize tougher scrutiny. 

Undeniably, the country's growth momentum showed a promising future despite questions about its sustainability. AL has habitually brushed off criticism, often with raucous reactions, alienating itself from the country's critical intellectual society and political pluralism. 

However, this protest is not great news for the opposition – BNP. The BNP has demonstrated political incompetence ad infinitum. I won't be surprised if many protestors who have never voted or are first-time voters have no sympathy for or memory of the BNP. 

Amid this web of events, I hope a sense of deep introspection among the parties will prevail, to prevent another round of instability and regain international confidence. The onus probandi lies with the genuine politicians, not the law enforcers or sycophants.

Let sanity prevail.