Free media… Déjà vu?
At the fag end of its tenure, the interim government is now in a hurry to make laws for the implementation of the media reform commission’s proposals. But the irony is the proposed legislation seems to have been ignoring the commission’s proposals — giving a feeling of déjà vu
More than ten months ago in the fine morning of 22 March, the Media Reform Commission formed by the interim government with an "aim to make media independent, stronger and objective" submitted its report to Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus.
That morning at the State Guest House, Jamuna, in Dhaka, the 12-member commission was overwhelmed by the sincerity of the chief adviser to implement the reform commission's proposals as the commission unveiled its ambitious 20-point roadmap. The CA posed before camera along with the members of the commission
Outside the State Guest House Jamuna CA's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam at a press briefing said the report was "discussed in detail" during its handover ceremony."
"Prof Yunus wanted to know about what reform initiatives should be taken immediately in the media, "Shafiqul was quoted as saying in a report of BSS, the official news agency of the government.
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"The press secretary hoped that some reform initiatives could be taken in the media soon," says the BSS report.
Accordingly, within a couple of weeks the reform commission also submitted a short list of their recommendations which could be implemented "immediately."
But the 22 March morning did not show the day. It was beyond imagination of the 12-member commission that the reform enthusiasm would be gone with the wind.
For the last few months since then, Media Reform Commission head Kamal Ahmed on several occasions expressed his frustration.
On 13 October while speaking at the Mass Media Award 2025 ceremony he said the government should explain why it has not implemented the commission's recommendations even five months after submission of the report.
"People are asking, what happened to media reform? We submitted our report and recommendations — it's the government's responsibility to act on them. When people ask me, I tell them to ask the government," he said.
In an interview published in New Age on 25 January this year, Kamal said the media reform opportunity has been "squandered.'
Ten months down the line the story is more appalling today. At the fag end of its tenure, exactly to be expired after 12 February parliamentary election, the interim government is now in a hurry to make laws for the implementation of the media reform commission's proposals. But the irony is the proposed legislation seems to have been ignoring the commission's proposals.
The Editors Council has expressed deep concern over the process and timing of the drafting of the two draft ordinances by the National Media Commission and the Broadcasting Commission on Sunday (1 February).
"The Editors Council believes that the structure and provisions of these draft ordinances clearly signal the risk of increased state control rather than the protection of media freedom. Moreover, the initiative to complete the lawmaking process by seeking opinions within a limited timeframe runs counter to participatory and democratic practices," the statement reads.
Earlier, Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) on 31 January also described the draft ordinances as a "parting mockery" of public expectations for free media development.
The TIB said the demand for a unified, independent, and effective media commission to ensure the growth of free media and independent broadcasting has existed for years, a demand also reflected in the report of the Media Reform Commission.
"However, the interim government has shown no action on implementing these recommendations, even after more than ten months since the submission of that report.
At the very final stage of its tenure, the government published two draft ordinances—aimed at establishing two new regulatory bodies.
TIB expressed deep disappointment and frustration, saying the drafts contradict public expectations and the Media Reform Commission's recommendations, and appear intended to impose greater control over the media sector. Seeking public feedback within only three days, TIB said, "constitutes a parting mockery by the interim government."
In the statement, TIB Executive Director Iftekharuzzaman said, "In both cases, the proposed structure and status of the commissions, the rank and authority of the commissioners, and the administrative and financial arrangements are designed to establish two institutions that are entirely under government control, particularly under bureaucratic authority."
"This represents a mockery of the interim government's commitment to the development of free media and independent broadcasting," he added.
At the final stage of its tenure, Zaman said, these drafts reflect the government's "adversarial stance toward media freedom."
The action by the interim government to promulgate the two ordinances at the final stage of its tenure gives a feeling of déjà vu. How?
Let's revisit the history of the idea of giving Bangladesh Television (BTV) and Radio, two state-run outlets, autonomy. The Media Reform Commission in its report revisited that part of the history.
It says historically, BTV has been used as a propaganda tool by the ruling governments at various times. During the regime of military ruler General Ershad, BTV became known as "Saheb-Bibi-Golam's Box." In the outline of the combined movement of all opposition political parties in the country, known as the "Three Alliances' Outline," the autonomy of these two institutions was demanded.
The demand for independence of state broadcasting media, Betar and Television, has been repeatedly raised in various movements, which proves that independent and autonomous television and radio free from government control are our national aspirations, the commission stated in its report.
The demand for autonomy of Betar-TV was raised again when the opposition parties in Parliament, including the Awami League and Jamaat-e-Islami, started a movement for the implementation of the caretaker government system during the 1995-96 election period.
After winning the election in June 1996, Hasina was enthusiastic to deliver on her party's electoral pledges to give autonomy to BTV and Bangladesh Betar. Her government formed on 9 September, 1996, a commission under the leadership of former Secretary Asafuddowlah, to formulate the autonomy policy for Bangladesh Betar and Bangladesh Television.
The Asafuddowlah Commission submitted its report to the government on 30 June 1997, the outcome of which was similar to that of the Mujibul Haque Commission, another broadcast commission formed in February 1990 during the regime of Ershad government in response to the movement by officials, employees, and artists of Betar and BTV.
This commission had submitted its report to the new government of Khaleda Zia on 30 September 1991, but it never saw the light of day.
The Mujibul Haque Commission was formed due to the failure of the "National Broadcasting Authority Ordinance" issued in 1986 to integrate and establish a unified national broadcasting authority.
Again, another broadcast commission, the Asafuddowlah Commission, came into being. That commission in its report in 1997 stated, "Among the reasons for the current state of Bangladesh Betar and Bangladesh Television that the commission has identified are limitations of administrative and financial powers due to complete government control, flawed recruitment and promotion policies, lack of old equipment, biased policy in news broadcasting, lack of objectivity and neutrality, absence of a conducive environment for the development of professionalism and creativity in program planning and presentation, and lack of accountability and discipline, etc."
However, the then Hasina government shelved the issue of autonomy for the two state broadcasting media as per the commission's recommendations.
More surprisingly, on 17 July 2001, the then Awami League government, a few days before the end of their term, passed in parliament two separate laws called the 'Bangladesh Television Authority Act, 2001' and 'Bangladesh Betar Authority Act 2001.'
According to the provisions of the two laws "As soon as possible after this Act comes into force, the Government shall, by notification in the official Gazette, specify the date on which this Act shall come into force."
The government has not published that notification in the Gazette to bring the laws passed in Parliament into force in the last 25 years.
As a result, neither "Bangladesh Television Authority" nor "Bangladesh Betar Authority" has been established through another Gazette notification as per the provisions of the laws to provide BTV and Radio autonomy.
In its 16 years the Sheikh Hasina government did not pay heed to the laws passed by her previous government.
After the fall of the Hasina regime in an uprising in August 2024, the wave of reforms hit the country. The media reform commission was one of around a dozen reform commissions formed.
But the efforts bite the dust like before. Time and again this has been proven that no one likes free press. Even during the interim government installed after the fall of the Hasina regime in August 2024, Bangladesh media has been facing 'a new normal' where fear shapes journalism.
