Where July movement's aspirations stand today
After the fall of Hasina, Bangladesh aspired to end the cycle of authoritarian abuses, restore dignity to public life, and build a country where justice is not a privilege but a right. How much of that promise has actually been realised?
The fall of Sheikh Hasina's government in August 2024 was, for many Bangladeshis, more than a political turning point — it was meant to be a moral reset.
The July Uprising had erupted from years of anger over enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, politicised policing, and a climate of fear that gagged journalists, activists, opposition supporters, and ordinary citizens alike.
When the interim administration under Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus took office, the public expected a decisive break from these patterns.
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The country wanted to move forward with a clear moral vision: to end the cycle of authoritarian abuses, restore dignity to public life, and build a country where justice is not a privilege but a right. Seventeen months later the central question remains: How much of that promise has actually been realised?
The expectations of July '24 — and the reality of December '25
According to Ain o Salish Kendra, law enforcement carried out 1,926 extrajudicial killings and 677 enforced disappearances, alongside routine torture, politically motivated arrests, and severe constraints on press freedom during the Hasina regime. Violence was centralised and executed largely by elite state agencies, particularly ahead of elections.
Under the interim administration, ASK recorded 35 extrajudicial killings from January–October 2025, while Odhikar reported over 40 in 14 months — including 19 shot dead and 14 tortured to death. Custodial deaths (28 in 2025) and widespread arbitrary detentions under counter-terror laws demonstrate that policing culture remains unchanged. Journalist harassment also remains high, with 351 incidents in 10 months.
Salahuddin Ahmed, Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) Standing Committee Member, said, "Under the current government, we have seen how they have addressed various issues, including mob violence and other concerns — perhaps not adequately in the early stages, perhaps without due attention. Those who were involved in different ways in the July Uprising carried heightened expectations and emotions, and the government's approach did not always align with those expectations."
Human rights activist Nur Khan recalls the public sentiment at the time, "We had hoped that after the fall of authoritarian rule, we would finally be able to rebuild the country, uphold human rights, and put an end to the horrors we endured in the past — the brutality, the repression, the false cases, the killings, the disappearances."
Yet, Nur Khan argues, "the condition of human rights is in no way significantly better than before."
One of the core frustrations lies in the persistence of structurally identical human rights violations — even if the actors or methods have changed.
Human rights activist Rezaur Rahman Lenin outlines a disturbing continuity, "The reality of human rights violations… has continued in much the same pattern as before. The scale may fluctuate, but human rights abuses are not defined merely by numbers."
He also warns of a troubling expansion of abuse beyond state actors, "Mob justice, vandalism and other acts of violence are being carried out by a particular group of people."
The return of extortion, forced property seizures, and politically backed violence — issues that long defined the previous regime — suggests structural rot that the uprising alone could not cure.
Institutional paralysis and political violence
Even though hope surged in August, enforcement and accountability mechanisms remain weak.
Nur Khan said, "Those who are running the government have not been able to take any meaningful or visible action in this regard. As a result, people's rights have been violated. Yes, there has been some change, but old practices are resurfacing in new forms — the old patterns are returning."
Lenin expands the institutional picture further, "We are witnessing a large number of arbitrary detentions under counter-terrorism laws, often without trial. Many of these detentions face serious questions regarding their legality, transparency and accountability. Although these concerns may not always dominate the digital sphere, they are nonetheless pressing."
He added, "Because these measures are lacking, public trust in the interim government has eroded. Confidence has declined, and questions about their competence have arisen."
The law enforcement agencies have yet to play any significant role in identifying perpetrators or ensuring accountability. Given the current landscape, Lenin raises a provocative and unsettling question, "In this reality, it is worth questioning how meaningful it is to observe Human Rights Day. What kind of celebration is appropriate?"
The path ahead
The July Uprising succeeded in breaking an authoritarian government. But breaking a government is not the same as building a rights-based state. For this, a painstaking reform process needs to be pursued by the next governments.
Salahuddin Ahmed said, "Developing a political or democratic culture takes time; neither mindsets nor cultural norms transform overnight. I hope the current tensions — the way things are unfolding — will gradually diminish, and indeed, they already appear to be easing.
"Our priority is to ensure everyone's democratic and human rights. If we are entrusted with responsibility, we will work towards this. For now, we are speaking in favour of these issues, formulating plans, undertaking party-based programmes, and preparing to incorporate these commitments into our future political agenda and election manifesto," he added.
"We will articulate all of this because guaranteeing human rights is a collective pledge owed to every citizen. It is not just our demand — it is the expectation of people across Bangladesh, especially in the aftermath of the mass uprising, when these aspirations have become even more pronounced," he further said.
Ahsanul Mahboob Zubair, assistant secretary general and chief of Central Publicity & Media Department, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, said, "The first step in rebuilding is restoring and upholding people's dignity. We believe that respecting human dignity means honouring every individual, ensuring that neither their profession nor their religious identity becomes a barrier to the respect they deserve. We want to build a society where everyone is treated with dignity, where people's honour is strengthened, enriched, and visibly upheld."
He added, "We are committed to ensuring that we ourselves will not be complicit in any such violations. We will also call upon others to refrain from such actions. Moreover, we urge all relevant institutions — whether law enforcement agencies, the Human Rights Commission, or other state bodies — to show the highest level of responsibility and to play their roles with utmost integrity and seriousness. If we are to build a humane and progressive Bangladesh, our work and our commitment will remain directed towards achieving that goal."
Nur Khan said, "On the eve of Human Rights Day, our earnest hope is this: the truth behind all disappearances and killings must be uncovered, and there must be visible justice. Through this justice, perpetrators must receive a strong and unequivocal message — that such crimes will not be tolerated, and that no one should dare commit such acts in future."
He added, "In addition, I believe the Police Commission, the Human Rights Commission, and all other commissions mandated should be formed and activated without delay. If this government fails to initiate these bodies now, we may face an even graver situation in the days to come."
Goodwill alone will not fix the system. For this, a long, hard road is still ahead of the country. The uprising opened a door — but the long, slow work of institutionalising democracy has only begun.
