In Bangladesh 2.0, state of journalism remains far from ideal

As the world observes World Press Freedom Day 2025 on 3 May, recent events—like the dismissal of three broadcast journalists for "asking questions" at a press conference of Cultural Affairs Adviser Mostofa Sarwar Farooki—have raised fresh concerns about whether real press freedom has returned in Bangladesh 2.0.

On 29 April, the July Revolutionary Alliance (JRA), a student organisation that documents protest-related killings, publicly criticised journalists from ATN Bangla, Deepto TV, and Channel i on Facebook, accusing them of siding with the ousted Hasina regime during Farooki's press conference the previous day.

The journalists had questioned the credibility of the claim that 1,400 people were killed in the July Uprising and challenged the portrayal of Hasina's effigy in a witch-like manner in the newly renamed Anondo Shobhajatra. 

One journalist specifically challenged how Farooki could claim that Sheikh Hasina had ordered the killings when she had not yet been convicted of any such crime.

In response, JRA threatened direct action unless the journalists were penalised within 24 hours. By that evening, all three were dismissed, and Deepto TV temporarily suspended its news operation.

While the government has firmly denied any role in the "wrongful" termination of journalists or the news broadcast shutdown, the overall media climate since Sheikh Hasina's ouster last August remains bleak, with journalists still facing violence, legal pressure, and restricted access to information.

"A new form of significant censorship has emerged through intimidation by groups outside the government—particularly 'student' groups or organisations aligned with them—who have taken strong positions on what the media can or cannot write or broadcast, especially regarding the Awami League, and have made these positions known through intimidating posts on social media."

David Bergman, investigative journalist and filmmaker

For example, on 5 February, BNP supporters attacked crews from ATN News, NTV, and Deepto TV at the Supreme Court. Just days later, riot police beat six journalists covering a student protest on 9 February. 

Several media professionals aligned with the previous government have been especially targeted: on 21 August 2024, Ekattor TV's Shakil Ahmed and Farzana Rupa were arrested at the airport and jailed for protest-related murder charges; on 16 September, Mozammel Babu and Shyamal Dutta were detained in Mymensingh while trying to leave for India.

Hundreds of serious charges against media figures have been filed.  In one high-profile case, "no fewer than 25 journalists were charged with crimes against humanity" for a protester's death. All 25 were listed alongside Hasina herself in a war-crimes complaint at the International Crimes Tribunal.

Between late October and early November 2024, the Press Information Department abruptly revoked the credentials of 167 journalists in three waves, barring them from official coverage and triggering widespread condemnation from press groups.

International organisations quickly condemned the crackdowns, warning that such actions signal a troubling return to repression and threaten the hopes of a freer, more accountable media landscape in post-Hasina Bangladesh.

The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) condemned the arrests of journalists and warned they appeared retaliatory, urging the government to drop or fairly try the cases. 

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) called on the interim regime to protect journalists and reform abusive laws, later welcoming Yunus's acknowledgement that 140 journalists had been wrongly accused but stressing the need for systemic change. 

After the Oct-Nov credential purge, RSF also warned that stripping journalists of press cards "encourages self-censorship" and is "incomprehensible".

Global diplomatic pressure mounted as well. In November 2024, a bloc of European Union ambassadors issued an open letter urging the release of jailed journalists. Later that year, in December, the US State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller stressed that "media freedoms ought to be upheld… and such cases ought to be dealt with consistent with the rule of law." 

But it's not as if press freedom in Bangladesh was thriving before 5 August either. Even prior to the political shift in August 2024, the situation was already dire—Bangladesh ranked 165th out of 180 countries on the 2024 World Press Freedom Index. In comparison, Bangladesh ranked 149th in the 2025 Index, published on 2 May.

The Digital Security Act, enacted in 2018, had become a key instrument for silencing dissent, frequently used to arrest and intimidate journalists over their reporting, online writings, or even social media activity.

Data from the Centre for Governance Studies (CGS) revealed that between October 2018 and January 2023, 7,001 cases were filed under the DSA against 21,867 individuals, including at least 142 journalists. A study of 668 cases showed only two had been resolved, with the rest dragging on indefinitely, underscoring how the law was wielded as a weapon of harassment and fear. 

Although the Cyber Security Act (CSA) replaced the DSA in 2023, its core punitive measures remained intact, continuing to restrict freedom of expression. 

Independent outlets also faced constant surveillance, and some, like Netra News, were blocked entirely. The government used state advertising as leverage, denying critical media financial support while rewarding loyal outlets. 

By 2023, Article 19 reported over 300 press freedom violations in a single year. Prominent editors like Mahfuz Anam and Matiur Rahman were slapped with dozens of lawsuits, and the Editors' Council issued repeated statements decrying state control and legal harassment. 

Things came to a head during the July uprising, when, according to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)'s Fact-Finding Report on the July Uprising, between 15 July and 5 August 2024, at least six journalists were killed at or around protests in Dhaka, Sylhet and Sirajganj, while around 200 journalists were injured. 

In several cases where the OHCHR obtained firsthand testimony, security forces indiscriminately fired at journalists covering the demonstrations. In other instances, journalists were directly targeted for merely exercising their professional duties, sometimes even by protesters. 

But of course, the shortcomings of the Hasina regime cannot be used to justify the ongoing repression of the press in Bangladesh. Instead, such incidents demand critical scrutiny of why these patterns continue to persist.

According to Zillur Rahman, executive director of the Centre for Governance Studies (CGS), press freedom in Bangladesh remains elusive for several reasons, including direct government pressure, influence from external actors, issues of media ownership, and the deep politicisation and bias within the journalistic community itself.

"During Hasina's regime, many publishers and editors aligned themselves with the government and avoided being critical," he said. "Now, even under the new regime, I don't think the media is truly free. There's still an informal climate of threat, often coming from those affiliated with or blessed by the government. On top of that, there's a constant threat of mob justice."

He also pointed out that there has been no significant structural change under the new system. Referring to the Cyber Protection Ordinance 2024 draft approved by the interim government, he noted that it differs little from its predecessors. "They've just rephrased the same old elements—so it can't really be called a meaningful change," he said.

Zillur further observed that the pattern of reporting has largely remained unchanged. "You can't say all sorts of reports on corruption and irregularities are coming to light," he said. "Hasn't anything happened in the last eight months? But how many of those are being reported?"

Meanwhile, David Bergman, investigative journalist and filmmaker, explained that under the Awami League government, the media had become increasingly censored and self-censoring, with censorship largely enforced through threats by government agencies and the use of criminal law.

"Since 5 August, this has generally stopped—an important achievement," he noted. "However, a new form of significant censorship has emerged through intimidation by groups outside the government—particularly 'student' groups or organisations aligned with them—who have taken strong positions on what the media can or cannot write or broadcast, especially regarding the Awami League, and have made these positions known through intimidating posts on social media."

He observed that media owners and editors have become very aware of these new boundaries, resulting in real media restrictions. 

"Journalists are scared of writing or broadcasting anything that could open them up to being accused of enabling—or accommodating—'Fascist Hasina,' resulting in some significant limitations in what the media publishes and broadcasts." 

"In addition, just as the media in the past tended to defer to the Awami League government, changes in personnel at the top of many media houses since 5 August has meant that the media has shifted its allegiance towards supporting the new government, again limiting the publication of critical journalism in the country," he also added. 

Dr Fahmidul Haq, media analyst and academic at Bard College, also weighed in on the matter. According to him, while most media organisations have experienced management changes, these shifts are not necessarily based on merit or skill. Instead, AL-loyal journalists or media managers are being replaced by individuals supported by BNP or Jamaat.

"Additionally, NCP members or former anti-discriminatory student activists have become influential enough to curtail press freedom. Post-July, both virtual and in-person mobs have created an environment that fosters fear among media professionals," he said.

"The interim government is not as oppressive towards the press as the previous one, but it has its own mechanisms of governance, and these do not appear strong enough to uphold an environment conducive to press freedom. Altogether, a new form of hegemonic climate has emerged, which stands as the primary barrier to media independence. The end result is a growing tendency toward self-censorship," Dr Haq added.

He pointed out that beyond the most recent incident, there are other concerning examples, such as an NCP leader reportedly imposing changes at Somoy TV, and right-wing mobs repeatedly targeting Prothom Alo and The Daily Star, accusing them of being pro-AL and pro-India.

"Media itself has forgotten how to uphold press freedom due to long-standing politico-commercial subjugation. It is time to advocate for ethical journalism that truly serves the public interest. The government, along with other political, social, and cultural forces, must take responsibility for ensuring a free environment where professionalism in journalism can flourish," he added.

Mubashar Hasan, however, noted that while the overall state of journalism in Bangladesh is still far from ideal, it has notably improved compared to the past.

To begin with, the Postdoctoral Fellow at the University of Oslo observed that journalists are no longer being subjected to enforced disappearances. "Previously, journalists were constantly under the surveillance and control of agencies like the DGFI and Military Intelligence. That kind of serious intervention is no longer taking place," he said. 

"It was virtually impossible to write anything critical about police officers before—doing so would result in arrests, lawsuits, and harassment. That's no longer the case."

According to him, there used to be a widespread culture of fear across society, including in the media industry. Journalists were constantly worried about what they could and couldn't report. That fear isn't visibly present now.

That said, he was quick to add that this doesn't mean the media is now truly free. "A new challenge has emerged. Some journalists who enabled the culture of fear during the previous regime held significant influence in the media industry. Now, a new pattern is unfolding—if someone asks a critical question and has any perceived affiliation with the former regime, they are harassed both publicly and in the workplace. This will remain a persistent challenge."

He also highlighted two more structural issues that need urgent attention. First, the ownership model of media outlets: "In the past, many media owners allied with the government to gain benefits. Now, some are trying to please the new authorities to protect their interests, which is equally damaging for press freedom."

Second, he stressed the failure to implement the wage board, "Most media outlets in Bangladesh still don't enforce the wage board. This amounts to ongoing exploitation. If journalists are denied fair pay, benefits, and job security, they remain vulnerable—and that vulnerability makes them easy to control or silence."

Chief Adviser's Press Secretary Shafiqul Alam said that the current government does not support any form of oppression, harassment, or job loss of journalists. 

However, he mentioned that the public naturally harbours resentment towards some media houses' role as enablers of fascism over the past 16-17 years, but those media houses have done little to alleviate this discontent.

"They should review their past actions through an ombudsman, conduct self-evaluation and criticism. If they wish, each media outlet can engage a three-member panel of university teachers or analysts to carry out this task. And based on that report, they can implement internal reforms. Only then will public anger subside."

Meanwhile, Zillur Rahman mentioned that the Media Reform Commission presented some proposals in their report. Among these were the enactment of a journalist safety law and the formation of an independent media commission.

"At that time, the Chief Advisor stressed about providing a shorter version of these so that immediate action could be taken. More than a month has passed since then. But there has been no action. I don't think a national consensus is necessary for these tasks. Because, apart from a few minor objections, I haven't seen any major objections from journalists regarding this report."

When asked about this, Shafiqul Alam said, "Before moving forward with this, we intend to first seek help from the UN for an assessment of what has happened in the media during Hasina's 16-17 year tenure. 

"We want an independent auditor who can point out where the failures of the media lie. They might review the coverage of the top ten newspapers and TV stations from Hasina's time. This way, ultimately, media reform will become a settled issue."