Workers don't want destruction of the industry, they have legitimate demands: Kalpona Akter

Agitating apparel workers in Ashulia do not want the destruction of the RMG industry, rather, they have just demands that industry leaders should address through discussions, according to leading labour activist Kalpona Akter.

Kalpona, founder of the Bangladesh Center for Workers Solidarity, is also the president of the Bangladesh Garments and Industrial Workers Federation (BGIWF). Known for her relentless advocacy for workers' rights, Kalpona has been a key figure in addressing the grievances of garment workers in Bangladesh.

In this interview with The Business Standard, she addresses the ongoing workers' unrest in Ashulia, arguing that their demands, though possibly mismanaged through protests, are legitimate. 

She highlights the need for discussions between stakeholders to address issues like stagnant tiffin bills, attendance bonuses, mandatory increments that have not kept up with inflation, and the implementation of protective laws. 

What is the reason behind the latest unrest in Ashulia?

The demands raised by the workers are not unjust. However, the system or procedure of the movement is different. 

After the interim government took office, we saw all sorts of people making demands, thinking, "I can raise my demand in this changing environment". Even then, the workers were silent. But then suddenly, when the BNP and other parties began taking over the jhut (scrap) business and other extortion rackets previously controlled by the Awami League, the workers started coming to the streets.

The BGMEA is an owners' association — it is not the second government. There needs to be a distinction between the two. Once that distinction is clear, worker repression will decrease… If you look at the last government, how many of the BGMEA leaders were part of it? How many were ministers or MPs? When my legislator is also my factory owner, what can you expect from them?

First, the workers of some pharmaceutical factories took to the streets because they had not been paid their salaries. Then, some garment factory workers followed suit. All of this turned into demands regarding their long-standing grievances. Since they could not raise their demands properly before, they have started raising them now. 

Of course, the procedure of the movement for rights could have been different. They could have paved a way for discussion. But sadly, historically, the grounds for discussion hardly exist. The factories are full of yellow federations created by the owners to serve their interests — these are the ones they prefer to talk to instead of the real workers. So, the workers do not realise that things can be sorted through discussion, which is why there is such a systematic error in the movement.

The owners or the association in the respective areas could sit down immediately and make a central announcement, and movements such as this could have died down in two or three days. Instead, they started talking about outside conspiracies and so on.

What are the workers' demands?

Look, 30 years ago, when I was a garment worker, my tiffin bill was Tk8. Now, three decades later, workers' tiffin bills are Tk25. How is this possible? We have had so much inflation during this time. The price of eggs has increased from Tk2 or Tk4 to Tk15 now. Just one boiled egg costs Tk25. In this scenario, how will a worker meet their nutritional demand? They cannot remain productive like this. 

Besides, there is the attendance bonus among other incentives. No owner gives this to workers as charity — it is a win-win strategy. It ensures workers do not delay at work, and shipments are sent on time. But this bonus has been Tk500 for years. The workers are demanding it be increased to Tk1,000.

Among other incentives are the night shift bills and productivity bonuses. The owners could discuss and negotiate these with the workers. They could set a minimum threshold and negotiate from there, for example, ensuring the tiffin bill is no less than Tk50, or the attendance bonus no less than Tk800, with no upper limit. Instead of negotiation, Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers and Exporters Association (BGMEA) officials are more focused on occupying positions and grabbing power within the organisation. 

A file photo of workers’ protests. Photo: TBS

Among the other demands are legal issues, such as abuse, maternity leave, and rights of pregnant workers — all of which are part of the law. So why are these part of the workers' demands? Because these laws are not implemented.

However, there is a new demand that men and women should be hired equally. Where did this demand come from? The ratio of men and women workers is no longer 15:85 like before. It has changed. Now the ratio of women is around 57-60%, meaning 40% are men. The demand is being made because whenever workers engage in protests, for example for minimum wage, and cases are filed against them, most of the accused are male workers. They are the ones fired and blacklisted. That's why this issue could absolutely have been resolved through discussion.

There is also a demand that the mandatory increment be increased from 5% to 10-20%. Now, this might not be solvable overnight, but it could be addressed by buying some time from them. These workers do not want the destruction of the industry. They know they will not have a salary without work, and no food without payment.

You need two things here: implementation of the law and the owners sitting together to make decisions. In addition, the obstruction on trade unions should be withdrawn, allowing workers to organise freely.

Instead of choosing pragmatic ways, they are talking about conspiracies. Yes, there has been a big change in politics; the old regime has fallen. Of course, others will take advantage in any way that benefits them. But why would you [factory owners] give them the chance to take advantage? Why can you not talk? Why are you so arrogant?

Is there any conspiracy behind the unrest now? If not, why are questions of conspiracy being raised?

No matter how much you change, if your mindset does not change, nothing will change. Whose conspiracy are you talking about? The Awami League? The jhut traders? Or are you pointing fingers at the federation leaders?

Instead, you should ask which of the workers' demands are wrong? Maybe their method of protest is flawed, but are their demands unjust?

Raising salaries has been a burning issue, but on the other hand, lower salaries are said to be the key factor in keeping Bangladesh's RMG sector competitive. How can this dilemma be negotiated?

Bangladeshi owners compete among themselves. Why did they build their association? They should set a minimum threshold within their association, but instead, they compete on who can secure orders with a lower margin.

Bangladesh did not become the second-largest exporter of RMG products just by chance. We have the capacity. No other country has such a huge infrastructure. Buyers cannot simply move away tomorrow. So why don't our owners take advantage of this? Some owners are growing richer every day, while others are growing weaker. Why? It's because of the competition among themselves.

We, the workers' federation, are ready to fight with buyers to raise prices, but what guarantee do we have that the benefits will reach the workers? The owners never admit when they make a profit. 

The BGMEA is an owners' association — it is not the second government. There needs to be a distinction between the two. Once that distinction is clear, worker repression will decrease. And if the law is implemented, many things will change automatically.

What do you mean by 'distinction'?

If you look at the last government, how many of the BGMEA leaders were part of it? How many were ministers or MPs? When my legislator is also my factory owner, what can you expect from them? When laws are implemented, they listen to the owners, not the workers. There is no level playing field. There is no worker representative in parliament. Since reforms are being carried out, I think it should also be determined how many businessmen can become parliamentarians.

What is the sustainable solution to worker grievances in Bangladesh?

The sustainable solution would be to activate government departments like the labour courts, etc., and reduce the corruption in these departments. You also need to reduce the complexity of cases, particularly those stuck in the labour court. Create alternative dispute resolution mechanisms under the labour court. This way, solutions will come. It does not need the owners' arbitration — it needs government arbitration, and the government needs to be unbiased in this process.

Do you have any expectations from the interim government?

Definitely. My short-term expectation is that they will sit with the stakeholders regarding the workers' demands and make provisions. The mid-term expectation is that they will remove the obstacles to trade unions, engage in discussions, and increase the mandatory increment as the workers are demanding.

In the long term, the government should reform the labour law. Several ILO conventions, like 121, 179, and 190, are in favour of workers, but Bangladesh has not ratified them. The government needs to ratify these conventions and create laws in line with them. That way, the labour law will be reformed, and workers' voices must be included in that reform.

Additionally, the ministries must stop forming committees with so-called yellow trade union members. We have suffered enough from that. Enough is enough.