NCP at six months: Between the promise of ‘new settlement’ and the test of politics

When the National Citizen Party (NCP) was inaugurated on 28 February this year, the atmosphere was one of unfiltered enthusiasm. 

At Manik Mia Avenue, thousands poured into the streets to greet the new party, hailing it as a fresh start after years of authoritarian rule. The idea of the emergence of a new force resonated with a generation weary of political polarisation and gave hope to the educated middle class long disenchanted with the country's major parties. 

It has been six months since the party was formed. The party has also been recommended to be granted registration by the Election Commission. Promising the ushering of a new political settlement in Bangladeshi politics, the young party has yet to become the decisive factor in the next national election. 

But how far has the party come? Can it be called a viable political force? 

Towards a 'new political settlement'

Central to NCP's identity has been its promise of a "new political settlement". From the very beginning, the party positioned itself as an alternative to Bangladesh's entrenched binary of BNP versus Awami League. 

As Hasnat Abdullah, Chief Organiser (Southern Region) of NCP, argued, "Politics in Bangladesh is extremely polarised at the moment. Our position has always been that we are not part of this polarisation."

In practice, this meant rejecting alliances, at least initially. Nahid Islam was categorical in his political strategy for the time being when he said, "NCP will not go into any alliance. It will do politics from its own position." 

The new settlement also carried institutional implications. 

Sultan Mohammed Zakaria, one of NCP's convenors, noted that the July Charter reforms envisaged radical changes, "Under the proposed reforms, all parties have agreed to a bicameral parliament and the decentralisation of the judiciary. These two reforms alone raise the issue of altering the Constitution's basic structure." 

He argued that the only feasible way forward was a dual-mandate election, where members of parliament would simultaneously serve as a constituent assembly. 

Spirit of July, elections and reform

The July Uprising that toppled a 16-year-old regime gave NCP both its legitimacy and its burden. 

"July placed a heavy moral and political responsibility on all parties, not just ours. I would argue that none of the political actors fully shouldered that responsibility," said Hasnat.

The NCP had to prove through action that its new political settlement is not merely words but deeds. 

Its open debates signalled a culture of internal democracy unusual in Bangladeshi politics, where dissent is usually suppressed.

Analysts caution that the July Uprising was not the product of one party but of a broad coalition of citizens. NCP must understand that, as a political party, not all people will support it. The uprising happened under the leadership of NCP figures, but NCP did not exist back then. People from across parties and ideologies took part.

Meanwhile, the looming election presents both an opportunity and a risk. On the one hand, the party has witnessed growing public interest. 

Syeda Nilima Dola, Co-lead of the Cultural Cell of NCP and a central member, observed, "Yes, the interest is clear. Before our Podojatra, there was some hesitation — people were unsure whether the NCP would survive. Now, across district towns and upazilas, that hesitation is fading."

On the other hand, organisational weaknesses persist. Dola admitted, "I don't think we are yet on the right track. Not at all. As a new party, we have often found ourselves straying onto the wrong path. We've had to step back, reorient, and try again."

But the NCP is growing at a satisfactory rate, claimed Hasnat. 

"The Election Commission has laid down certain conditions: forming committees, securing an office, and expanding organisational structures across the country. We have been steadily fulfilling those requirements. At present, we have committees in 256 upazilas, 46 districts, and all eight metropolitan cities," he said.

The ambition is clear — to extend the organisation to the union level, ensuring that the party's grassroots claims were not mere rhetoric. Hasnat insisted, "Our aim is to reach down to the union level, so that the organisation truly represents the grassroots. By October, we intend to complete the process of forming all committees."

He stressed that grassroots inclusion is essential as they see politics not merely as electoral participation, but as connecting the most disadvantaged with the national political conversation. "We expanded our presence at the grassroots, and we have tried to include marginalised communities — particularly those previously excluded from mainstream politics."

NCP's electoral strategy has been shaped by its reformist vision. 

Sultan spoke about their concerns regarding the upcoming election. "Our main concern is essentially the framework within which the upcoming election will be held. First, the key issue is the legal status of the agreements reached in the July Charter. We believe this is a legitimate concern and have consistently argued that it must be resolved," he said. 

He added, "Our position is that if we take seriously the fundamental reforms already outlined in the July Charter, then in truth there is no alternative but to move towards a new constitution. However, to ensure that this does not jeopardise the coming election, cause unnecessary confusion, or disrupt the timeline, we have made our stance clear: we support a dual-mandate election." 

Yet even as the rhetoric soars, scepticism lingers. 

Analysts caution that the July Uprising was not the product of one party but of a broad coalition of citizens. NCP must understand that, as a political party, not all people will support it. 

The uprising happened under the leadership of NCP figures, but then NCP did not exist. People from across parties and ideologies took part. It is unrealistic to think all those people will now follow NCP.

Does NCP have a unique political identity? 

Critics suggest that NCP is still struggling to define itself beyond the shadow of the July Uprising and older political factions.

Hasnat said, "We are building an organisation capable of standing independently. Of course, if other parties want to collaborate with us in the future, especially during election time, that can be considered. But our immediate focus is to strengthen the NCP so that it has a clear identity of its own. That means expanding our base, developing credible policies, and ensuring that we can appeal directly to voters without being subsumed by larger, older blocs."

Dola admitted the identity question was real, "Many people ask: is the NCP a right-wing party, a left-wing one, or does it occupy a centrist position? At present, there is confusion about our ideological identity, and that makes citizens feel uncertain. So our immediate task is to define that ideology clearly, and to bind the organisation together firmly before the election."

The party has also been accused of populism — chasing slogans instead of substance. Party leaders were in political gatherings from which questionable remarks were made regarding women, were seen keeping close contact with far-right groups, and failed to take a clear stance when it comes to women's rights. 

"NCP is doing the most policy-driven politics. For example, we have made a rule book for everyone on how to talk to women. No party has done it other than us," Dola said.  

Hasnat said, "As for populism, let me say this: we were born out of an uprising and a time of national crisis. In such circumstances, urgent and sometimes sweeping decisions were necessary. At times, the need to resolve crises meant that political choices looked populist. But to me, this is part of a political culture that evolves over time. It is still too early to judge whether NCP's politics is purely populist or genuinely pro-people. We prefer to think of ourselves as people-oriented. The distinction will become clearer as we mature." 

Furthermore, some critics argue that NCP risks being overly intellectual, producing charters and reform blueprints without embedding itself deeply among the masses. 

Dola stressed that the solution lay in prioritising field politics. 

"What we need is greater concentration on politics itself. Many of our members, including myself and much of the central committee, are young. Measured by political experience, we are relatively new. That's why our committees are trying to be physically present in the field: visiting localities, speaking with people, sitting with them, sharing their lives, and repeatedly organising general meetings. From there, we listen to our own members, gather feedback and then implement those ideas politically," she explained.

"There has been debate within our party on this issue. We are trying to strike a balance, because as a political organisation, we must eventually contest elections with clear policies, strategies, and grassroots engagement. We are still in a developmental phase — it has only been six months since our formation — but we are moving forward," said Zakaria on this issue. 

As it stands, the story of NCP is one of promises set against proof. The inauguration day euphoria revealed a hunger for change, but six months on, the party stands at a crossroads. It has laid down committees, drafted reform blueprints, and spoken the language of inclusion and rights. It has also faced accusations of elitism, inconsistency and populism. And it has yet to go a long way. 

What remains constant is the weight of July. As Hasnat put it, "The NCP was born out of a historic moment, and that gives us both a responsibility and an opportunity. We must live up to the expectations of July, while also building a pragmatic political movement for the future."