Many faces of the US-Israel relationship
The relationship between the US and Israel was not always as smooth as it is portrayed today. It also had its fair share of ‘crisis of historic proportions,’ before reaching its current state of enduring partnership
The US was the first country to recognise Israel as a state in 1948, and the first to recognise Jerusalem as the capital of Israel in 2017.
"Israel is a great partner to the United States, and Israel has no greater friend than the United States. Americans and Israelis are united by our shared commitment to democracy, economic prosperity, and regional security."
This is how the relationship between Israel and the US is defined in the bilateral relations fact sheet on the official website of the US Department of State.
The most significant part, however, is what follows next: "The unbreakable bond between our two countries has never been stronger."
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That it indeed is true has once again been set in stone in the wake of the ongoing Israel-Hamas war, as the US has declared unyielding support for its chief Middle East ally.
Furthermore, the US President Joe Biden has also made an extraordinary wartime visit to Israel on Wednesday to stand in solidarity with the people of Israel.
Since Israel's founding in 1948, the US has been its biggest donor of military aid. This support has included financial assistance and weaponry during various conflicts that have resulted in the loss of lives for many Palestinians and the displacement of millions.
For example, Human Rights Watch recorded three airstrikes in Gaza that killed 62 Palestinian civilians during a violent period in 2021. In these cases, no obvious military objectives were discovered nearby. International law states that only military targets, not civilians or civilian "objects," may be targeted. American munitions were utilised in two of those assaults.
At present, Israel is granted an annual military aid of $3.8 billion from the US, as per the agreement signed in 2019. Additionally, the cumulative unconditional aid provided to Israel by the US since World War II has amounted to $158 billion (without considering inflation adjustments).
However, the relationship between the US and Israel was not always as smooth as it is portrayed today. It also had its fair share of "crisis of historic proportions," before reaching its current state of enduring partnership.
Also, there have been many more dimensions and dynamics to the US-Israel relationship than meets the eye.
Why the US was so quick to recognise Israel
One may wonder why the former US President Harry Truman was so quick off the mark to extend an olive branch to the newly formed Jewish nation moments after its birth in 1948.
It was partly because of personal ties, as Truman's former business partner, Edward Jacobson, played a pivotal role in laying the groundwork for the US in recognising Israel as a state.
Jacobson, a prominent Jew, was passionate about the creation of a Jewish state and consistently urged Truman to support this cause. He provided Truman with insights into the plight of the Jewish people, emphasising the importance of a safe homeland for the Jewish community, particularly in the aftermath of the Holocaust.
Apart from that, strategic factors also played a significant role in shaping this decision, particularly against the backdrop of the emerging Cold War between the US and the Soviet Union following World War II.
With the Middle East holding strategic importance due to its oil reserves and crucial waterways such as the Suez Canal, it became a critical playground for superpower dominance. As the influence of European powers waned, the US stepped in as the primary Western power broker in the region.
The frantic and frustrating '50s
The 1950s marked a tumultuous period in the relationship between Israel and the US, characterised by a series of challenges and shifts in diplomatic dynamics.
In July 1956, former Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser nationalised the Suez Canal, leading to an international crisis. In response, Israel, with the support of France and the United Kingdom, launched a military campaign against Egypt.
The campaign was aimed at gaining control over the Sinai Peninsula and reopening the Suez Canal, which was of vital importance for international trade.
However, the US, under the leadership of President Dwight D Eisenhower, was concerned about the potential escalation of the conflict and the involvement of its allies in the region. Eisenhower was also troubled by the disregard for the United Nations and the potential implications for stability in the Middle East.
According to a New York Times report dated 31 October 1956, "The Israeli attack, combined with the declaration by Britain and France that they would land paratroopers in the Suez Canal zone, was the most frustrating development for United States policy-makers in the eight frustrating years since the creation of the State of Israel in 1948."
Hence, furious at Israel's military actions in the Sinai Peninsula and Gaza Strip, Eisenhower threatened to suspend vital US financial aid to Israel unless it withdrew from the captured territories.
This move was an attempt to pressure Israel into complying with the United Nations and avoiding further escalation of the conflict, which could have had serious implications for the broader stability of the region.
Additionally, during the Cold War, strains in Israel-US relations arose due to differing strategic priorities, with the US needing to balance its support for Israel against broader Middle Eastern interests. Competing interests in the region sometimes led to tensions, as the US aimed to maintain relationships with other regional actors not always aligned with Israel.
How the shift to an unequivocal relationship happened
Israel is thought to have developed nuclear weapons in the 1960s, although it has never formally acknowledged them.
However, the former US President John F Kennedy was concerned about such nuclear ambitions by Israel and engaged in a quiet pressure campaign to let US inspectors into its nuclear sites and halt an Israeli nuclear program.
In spite of that, the establishment of the unambiguous bond between the US and Israel can be traced partially to the aftermath of the 1967 Six-Day War, in which Israel defeated the poorly led armies of Egypt, Syria and Jordan and occupied the rest of historical Palestine – as well as some territory from Syria and Egypt.
Since then, the US has consistently demonstrated unwavering support for Israel's military dominance in the region and has actively worked to prevent hostile acts against it by Arab nations.
Then there was also the 1973 Yom Kippur War that concluded with Israel's victory over Egyptian and Syrian forces.
Utilising this opportunity to create a division between Egypt and Syria and counter the influence of the Soviet Union, the US initiated efforts to establish the framework for a peace agreement between Israel and Egypt, which was eventually formalised in 1979.
Initially, the US was mostly giving, while also doing some arms sales to Israel. In order to support its development efforts, Israel was also given permission to borrow money from US banks at rates that were lower than those on the market. During the 1980s and 1990s, collaborative efforts between the US and Israel expanded to encompass joint research, development, and the manufacturing of armaments.
In 1999, during the efforts of former President Bill Clinton to foster sustainable peace between Israel and its Arab neighbours, the US formally endorsed the initial of three consecutive 10-year agreements, pledging to offer billions in annual military assistance.
After the 9/11 terrorist attacks, this funding encouraged Israel to develop its signal intelligence and surveillance capabilities, which by the 2000s "were at least as good as and in some cases better than [that of] the US," according to Joel Beinin, a professor of Middle East history at Stanford University.
Iron Dome, a short-range air missile defence system that employs radar technology to shoot down rockets fired by Hamas and other militant groups, was put into operation by Israel in 2011. The system is partially funded by the US and employs components made in the US.
More recently, Israel has played a significant role in the US's professed effort to establish a "integrated, prosperous, and secure Middle East" as it looks to shift its attention to other regions of the world, such as Russia and China. Agreements to improve ties between Israel and several of its Muslim-majority neighbours, including the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Morocco, were aided by the Trump administration.
How US public opinion leans toward Israel
Public opinion in the US has historically leaned in favour of Israel and against the Palestinian cause, largely influenced by Israel's effective public relations efforts in the Western world.
However, the impact of headline-grabbing and violent incidents, such as the 1972 Munich Massacre where 11 Israeli Olympic athletes were killed, has also elicited sympathy for Israel.
In the early days of Israel's ongoing war against Hamas, Americans' sympathies have shifted even more sharply toward Israel.
A new Yahoo News/YouGov poll, which was conducted from 12 to 16 October — shortly after Hamas's initial surprise attacks on Israel but just before the explosion Tuesday night at Gaza's al-Ahli Hospital, shows that more than two-thirds of Americans (67%) now think that "helping to protect Israel" is an essential priority for "US policy towards the Middle East," up 12 points from 55% in May 2021.
Almost the same percentage (66%) now believes that Hamas is "entirely" (47%) or "mostly" (19%) "responsible for the current hostilities," a 27-point increase from 39% in May 2021.
Comparatively, only 16% of Americans hold Israel mostly or fully accountable (down from 24% in May 2021), while 30% hold it only partially or not at all responsible (up from 21%), and 32% do not.
The share who agree with the statement "Hamas is a terrorist organisation" has risen 22 points since May 2021, to 69%.
This data holds particular importance, considering that it's widely reported that American taxpayers cover 16% of the total Israeli military expenses.
If the general sentiment among most Americans didn't heavily favour Israel, it would pose a significant challenge for the US government to gather such a substantial amount from its citizens for Israel.
How Aipac exerts control
Significant majorities within both the Democratic and Republican parties in the US Congress are also openly supportive of Israel.
However, as there was growing support for the Palestinian cause among the Americans as well as within the Democratic Party over the last few years prior to the latest Hamas attack, the US's most powerful pro-Israel lobby group American Israel Public Affairs Committee's (Aipac) poured millions of dollars in shaping Democratic congressional primary races to sway the current trend in favor of Israel.
Nevertheless, spending in US politics in favour of Israel is not a recent phenomenon. For decades, organisations such as Norpac and Pro-Israel America have been collecting funds to support pro-Israel candidates from both major political parties.
The deceased billionaire Sheldon Adelson, for instance, invested hundreds of millions of dollars in backing Republican politicians, notably former President Donald Trump, with a particular emphasis on policies concerning Israel.
On the Democratic front, Israeli-American investor Haim Saban has also made substantial donations to support the top candidates of the party, all the while advocating for unwavering support for Israel.
But of course, Aipac is the most pro-active of the lot. It has recently established its own political action committees (PACs) as well. It is using tens of millions of dollars of PAC money for the purpose of removing or opposing candidates who are not supportive of the government of Israel.
A prevailing sentiment, as highlighted in a 2019 article by Mark Horowitz, is the notion that Aipac and other Jewish organisations exert control over the media, Congress, and American policy in the Middle East.
Aipac, which had a humble beginning in the 1950s and gradually emerged as the giant it is today, employs a range of tactics, including grassroots mobilisation, advocacy initiatives, and fundraising, targeting not only the American Jewish community but also Christian evangelical churches across the United States.
Through these endeavours, Aipac seeks to shape public opinion, promote favourable policies toward Israel, and maintain strong bilateral ties between the United States and Israel.
The strength and influence Aipac has in the US is also reflected by the fact that it holds an annual conference in Washington, DC, with about 20,000 attendees that feature personal appearances by top US politicians.
Notably, both President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump have participated in these events, with regular appearances by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
The emerging 'other' voices
Despite the traditionally unwavering bipartisan support for Israel among Americans, there is an emerging call within the Democratic party for a more nuanced and equitable handling of the conflict, considering the value of both Israeli and Palestinian lives.
Senators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, both former contenders for the 2020 Democratic presidential nomination, previously urged for the conditioning of US military aid to Israel based on Palestinian human rights considerations.
Similarly, in the House of Representatives, a new wave of progressive voices including Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ilhan Omar, Ayanna Pressley, and Rashida Tlaib, the first Palestinian American elected to Congress, emerged as prominent advocates for the Palestinian cause.
Most recently, on Monday (16 October), a group of prominent progressive US lawmakers introduced a resolution, calling for a ceasefire in the ongoing Israel-Hamas conflict.
The resolution urges the Biden administration to facilitate de-escalation and humanitarian assistance in Gaza.
"We are all aware that the collective punishment of millions of Palestinians constitutes a war crime. No one can deny this. The response to war crimes can never be more war crimes," emphasised Congresswoman Rashida Tlaib from Michigan, the sole Palestinian American member of the House, during a press call.
It's worth mentioning that this younger generation of progressive legislators is less reliant on the conventional funding networks of US politics and more motivated by worries about how Israel treats Palestinians in Gaza, the West Bank, and within Israel itself.
However, given the current circumstances, many pro-Palestine experts believe that these progressive views would have been more vocal at the moment had the offensive not been started by Hamas.
