Jamaat’s 1971 mindset has returned once again: BNP’s Tuku

The anti-democratic role Jamaat-e-Islami played during the 1971 Liberation War has resurfaced, as the party once again attempts to obstruct the upcoming election, said BNP Standing Committee member Iqbal Hasan Mahmud Tuku in a recent interview with The Business Standard's Akram Hossen. Tuku, a former state minister for power and BNP's recently announced nominated candidate for Sirajganj-2, where he previously served multiple terms as a lawmaker, discussed the country's evolving political landscape.

What are your observations on the current political situation? 

The country is effectively paralysed. The administration is not functioning, and law enforcement appears inactive. Everyday life and governance have slowed to a near stop. To restore momentum, we need a legitimately elected government with a clear commitment to the people.

Powerful anti-democratic forces are trying to disrupt the election. They are identifiable; they exploit religion for political ends. They aim both to obstruct the vote and to field candidates nationwide, playing a double game they have used before.

The party that is now causing havoc once fomented riots in Lahore and helped create the conditions for Ayub Khan's martial law, with a terrible toll on minorities.

I fear the same pattern may repeat. The party's present tactics look like an attempt to derail Bangladesh's democratic path. We must overcome these dangers and keep our democratic course.

Does BNP see any cause for concern in the current situation?

What is going on is not just a cause for the BNP to worry, but for the entire nation. The country is going through a critical moment, which can only be resolved through a fair election.

The Liberation War of 1971 remains Bangladesh's most glorious chapter. Through that bloody struggle, we earned our identity and our place on the world map. Yet, that legacy is now under threat. Defeated forces are distorting the history of the war.

Sheikh Hasina, by constantly invoking the Liberation War, has diluted its spirit. This has given those defeated forces the space to re-emerge. She must take responsibility for that. As ordinary freedom fighters, we can't accept such a distortion – nor can we accept what Hasina has done.

Is there a need for movement to press for elections?

I don't think so. After Muhammad Yunus announced the election roadmap, the entire country shifted into election mode. People across Bangladesh are now focused on the polls.

Of course, some are still trying to hatch conspiracies. But we believe the interim government will overcome these challenges and ensure a fair and well-organised election.

Do you foresee any challenges in BNP finalising its candidates?

Politics is a kind of sport. Many may take part, but only a few can win. Many want to contest because they played vital roles in our movements, enduring jail, repression, and attacks.

Now, the key task is to identify who enjoys the strongest public support. The nomination will go to the candidate most acceptable to the people. Tarique Rahman's representatives are travelling across the country and reporting to him regularly on these matters.

What is your observation on Jamaat politics after 5 August? BNP was allied with Jamaat for over two decades. Was that alliance a mistake?

The character of 1971 has resurfaced once again. Besides, electoral and political alliances aren't the same. Electoral alliances are formed to win votes, while political ones are based on shared ideals. BNP never shared a political vision with Jamaat; the collaboration was purely electoral. There is no prospect of any future alliance with Jamaat.

What are your observations on NCP?

I generally prefer not to comment on them. I was once their age. In 1969, as a first-year student at Dhaka University, I joined the movement against Ayub Khan, full of ideas and revolutionary zeal. NCP members are at a similar stage, so I have no remarks to make.

What is the BNP's position on the Awami League?

The Awami League will definitely be held accountable. The BNP has suffered the most persecution and exile at the hands of the Awami League. The BNP will ensure transparent justice. Those in power must face judgment. Without justice, the people will not accept it. 

If the wrongs committed by the Awami League are not addressed, the public will not tolerate it. As a party, the Awami League is fascist and murderous. That judgment must be carried out, and whether the Awami League can continue in politics will depend on that justice.

Many say that if BNP comes to power, it could become fascist like the Awami League. Do you think that is possible?

BNP and the Awami League are not the same. The Awami League is psychologically a fascist party, committing grave injustices whenever in power. Between 1971 and 1975, it brutally killed around 10,000 activists. Claiming to be secular, it has continued similar practices over the past 16 years, backed by the Western world.

BNP is different. The party has made mistakes, which I do not deny, but it will never become fascist; that character does not exist within it. When the BNP ruled in 2001, phones with cameras and social media were rare.

Today, the world is far more open, and any government will find it extremely difficult to govern smoothly. Far from turning fascist, even running the administration will be challenging. If any decision displeases the public, they will take to the streets – a reality made clear after 5 August.

You were the minister of power, and there have been many complaints about the sector during your tenure. What's your reaction to these complaints?

We did nothing unlawful by passing indemnity laws, contrary to Awami League claims. All accusations about the power sector during my tenure have produced no cases in 18 years, and the Anti‑Corruption Commission found nothing. The only case against me came from an income‑tax file, which itself shows no corruption in our power projects.

Awami League ministers have long criticised the "khamba" – the transmission towers – ignoring that they were part of a wider project that also included insulators, transformers and conductors. These items are rarely mentioned; the focus on towers, because they are large and visible, is misleading.

Due to indemnity arrangements under the Awami League, 5,000–7,000MW of power plants now lie idle, unable to supply gas while the public still pays capacity charges. If a new government takes office, that burden will fall on them. This issue requires a wide public debate.