On the March to prosperity: Dare to dream big

The first parliamentary session after the Sheikh Mujib-led Awami League's glorious victory – bagging 160 of 162 seats in East Pakistan – was set for 3 March. But AL's electoral triumph in the 1970's December elections had already set alarm bells ringing in West Pakistan.

The defeated Zulfikar Ali Bhutto refused to heel. He declared that East Pakistan's Awami League victory did not mean it would rule over all of West Pakistan for years to come.

On 1 March 1971, Bhutto repeated the sentiment. And thus began a butterfly effect that would transform the fates of both the countries.

Bhutto's implicit threat to upend the entire political process came with the caveat of fierce mass movement all over West Pakistan, paralysing life from Peshawar to Karachi.

President Yahya Khan, who was waiting to capitalise on the first crisis, sprung into action – he postponed the parliamentary session, which unleashed a wave of fury across East Pakistan.

Immediately, Bangalis took to the streets in spontaneous and fiery protests.

On 2 March, Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman made the call: a mass movement – growing and uncontainable – had begun with a hartal in Dhaka, which spread to the rest of East Pakistan.

It was an unstoppable wildfire, and Yahya Khan's strategy to douse it using the police and army – who opened fire on demonstrators – only added fuel to the flame.

As the strikes spread, so did a common song, one that was sung to the tune of freedom.

On 7 March, before one of the largest public meetings ever at the Ramna Race Course Maidan, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman spoke the words that have been etched into the fabric of Bangladesh's history: The struggle this time is for our freedom…. for our independence."

He announced the closure of all government and semi-government offices in East Pakistan and stoppage of all rents and taxes until the demands of the Bangalis were accepted.

Bangabandhu had 4-points that had to be met: withdrawal of martial law; sending troops back to the barracks; inquiry into killings; and transfer of power to the elected representatives.

He told the gathering to "prepare with whatever you have to fight the enemy."

Bangabandhu's hypnotic oration sent the gathered audience into a frenzy. The reverberations of the speech could be felt everywhere, from Dhaka to Islamabad.

The Pakistan army had already been worried about what Bangabandhu might say. They had even warned him of wreaking never-before-seen destruction on East Pakistan if Bangabandhu strayed too close to a declaration of unilateral independence. Khadim Hussain Raja, the GOC in Dhaka warned that he would "raze Dhaka to the ground" and "there will be no one to rule, there will be nothing to rule."

In response to Mujib's call, black flags were hoisted atop houses, educational institutions and business establishments on 10 March.

By 13 March, minority groups in the National Assembly had accepted the 4-point demand in principle.

Bhutto, meanwhile, remained stubborn. On 14 March, he demanded that power be transferred to the "majority parties" in East and West Pakistan, before reaching any constitutional settlement.

By 19 March, Yahya Khan had decided to resume talks with Bangabandhu. The Father of the Nation Sheikh Mujibur Rahman emerged from the talks with a loud chant of "Joy Bangla". He, however, downplayed its significance in the greater context at the time.

Bangabandhu and his people continued with their movement. Not an inch would be given until the demands were met.

In the following days, it was clear to all that the Pakistani authorities would discuss only agreements set on their own terms. Nothing else would do.

On 25 March, talks between Yahya Khan and Bangabandhu broke down.

A savage plot

Soon after Bhutto lost the elections, he met Yahya Khan to discuss how not to hand over power to Mujib. This meeting and the plot discussed has become known as the Larkana Conspiracy – named after the location it was hatched in.

Everyone knew that Bhutto did not want to sit on the opposition bench. At the same time, Yahya Khan had reached out to Bangabandhu to see if he would remain president in Sheikh Mujib's reign. This was immediately rebuffed, making Yahya think of alternatives.

On 22 February 1971, Yahya Khan had already conceived a plan to annihilate Bangalis. He just needed more time. 

As Yahya held talks with Bangabandhu, the effect of the latter's strikes was already being felt in the highest rungs. But the talks would have to go on. Yahya Khan had taken a leaf out of Charles Cornwallis' book, who had lulled Tipu Sultan into a false sense of security through the pretense of talks and treaties.

Bangabandhu, however, was not ready to be deceived. 

Soon after Yahya Khan arrived in Dhaka on 15 March for the so-called talks, he had to replace a number of his top-brass who refused to go on a killing spree.

In came Lt Gen Tikka Khan, the Butcher of Balochistan, who was enlisted to replace a "softer" official.

When the talks ended, and Yahya flew back to West Pakistan, Tikka unleashed his hell in an operation codenamed "Operation Searchlight" on 25 March.

Civilians were called out of their homes and hostels and killed. Houses and businesses were set ablaze. The killing was indiscriminate and it was meant to be total. 

The operation precipitated the genocide in Bangladesh. Millions would die. But then, glory would finally be theirs.

Then in the early hours of 26 March, radios at homes crackled to life and Bangabandhu's voice began to be heard. He had one thing to say, "From this day Bangladesh is independent."

No resting on laurels

Although Bangabandhu had secured Bangladesh its liberation, the economy he saw before him was broken, battered and bruised.

Most of the income from his industries had gone to West Pakistan. Bangabandhu had to apply a policy of nationalisation.

He paved a way for Bangladesh's prosperity and the country hasn't looked back since.

Over the past decade the Bangladesh economy has been one of the top performers in Asia, averaging annual growth of more than 6%.

Before the Covid pandemic, its growth was going above 7%, earning it the title of one of the Economic Tigers of Asia.

Bangladesh reached lower-middle income status in 2015. It is now on course to graduate from the least developed country status by 2026.

The country looks to achieve upper middle-income status by 2031 and become a high income country by 2041.

Bangladesh's success story, economic and development, is owed to the freedom secured by millions who gave up their lives for the cause.

Bangladesh grew mainly from the small trading businesses that met the immediate needs of the people of war-torn newborn Bangladesh. From the humble beginnings, the post-independence private sector rose to a new height blossoming to a wide range of manufacturing sectors and positioned itself as a main driver of growth.

Independence was instrumental behind Bangladesh's transformation, as senior economist

Prof Rehman Sobhan pointed out, as it also gave rise to an entrepreneurial revolution.

Another economist Dr Hossain Zillur Rahman said the country's independence has transformed a people of "fatalistic mindset into an aspirational population" instilling the sense of entrepreneurship among people to rebuild from the rubble.

Local businesses, which had stayed out of the limelight, came to prominence soon after independence.

In the initial years, local entrepreneurs focused on daily needs of people as the new-born country had to import almost everything, from clothing to medicine to consumer goods.

Within decades, Bangladesh saw a batch of home-grown business groups who grew from a humble beginning into big conglomerates meeting local demand for consumer goods and replacing global brands, while making  a strong presence in the export market.

Bangladesh is now the second largest exporter of apparels.

Kantar Worldpanel, a world leading market insight firm, found in 2018 that half of the top 50 brands in Bangladesh were local ones reflecting the strong emergence of the local soft assets in the economy.

"Freedom fueled entrepreneurship here debunking the old myth that Bengalis only can work for others," said Abul Kasem Khan, a second generation industrialist and former chairperson of a private sector think tank, Business Initiative Leading Development. 

Bangladesh's road to self-determination was full of thorns. But belief and conviction were never lacking, regardless of the obstacles.

Today, Bangladesh stands as an economic marvel. Its development model is lauded the world over. But none of this could have been possible if not for that fateful month in March and an unquenchable desire for total freedom.