Determination of resistance brings victory during July uprising: Nahid

Anti-Discrimination Student Movement's key coordinator Nahid Islam has said stiff determination of resistance brought victory in days of uncertainty and fear during the historic July uprising, recounting the terrible moments he encountered, Awami League-sponsored mass murder, merciless crackdown and attacks on protesters. 
 
"On the final days of Awami League regime fall, we were gripped by uncertainty and fear. But, we were steadfast in movement, we were committed to resist by the end that eventually made us victorious during July uprising," he said in an interview with BSS.
 
Targeted by state forces, Dhaka University's sociology department's student Nahid was abducted, tortured, and subjected to physical and psychological abuse in custody during the 36th day-long countrywide movement that ended almost 16 years rule of Sheikh Hasina.
 
He was forefront at the protest movement that earlier emerged just centering reformation of quota in the government jobs, turning to the July uprising where millions of aggrieved people participated opposing barbaric crackdown on unarmed protesters spearheaded by AL cadres and their loyal forces. 
 
Nahid, now convener of National Citizen Party (NCP), shared his memories of July uprising enunciating ins and outs of movement that saw at least 1,400 deaths and approximately 30,000 injuries.
 
He said, "After the court verdict on 5 June last year, we saw a surge of anger among students. In 2018, when the quota movement first took place, everyone demanded reform-not abolition. But the government unilaterally repealed all quotas". 
 
"After a one-sided 2024 election, the same quota system was reintroduced through a court order that sparked deep mistrust, resentment, and concern about the future among students. The economy was already in a fragile state. When the deposed prime minister made one promise in Parliament and then retracted it through legal means, we saw that as a betrayal with the nation and the student community," he said.
 
Nahid, also former information adviser, said, "We began talking to students at the DU Central Library. Everyone was outrageous and wanted to respond. That evening, we held a program under the banner of 'General Students.' A protest rally marched from the library demanding the reinstatement of the 2018 circular."
 
The protest continued for three days since June 5 before Eid holidays started, he said, adding the protesting students also submitted a memorandum to the Attorney General urging the verdict be stayed and the circular be reinstated. 
 
"We issued an ultimatum until 30 June, anticipating that the government wouldn't act. So, we began organizing. Protests spontaneously erupted at Jahangirnagar, Chattogram, Barisal, Rajshahi, Rangpur, and other universities. We reached out, held online meetings, ran campaigns on Facebook, and built a nationwide network," said Nahid who became key spokesperson as the movement being intensified. 
 
Being a prominent student leader, he was subjected to inhumane torture, languishing in custody but he was defiant, announcing a one-point demand for resignation of Sheikh Hasina at the Central Shaheed Minar on August 3 last year just two days after his release.
 
Nahid said, "seeing no action from the government by 30 June, we formally launched the Anti-Discrimination Student Movement on 1 July, holding coordinated programmes across various campuses".   
 
"From 1 to 4 July, we organised successive demonstrations. A court verdict was expected on 4 July, but the court remained silent. This continued until 5 or 6 July, after which we announced the 'Bangla Blockade' programme," he said. 
 
"On 14 July, we placed a memorandum to the President. That day marked a turning point. Sheikh Hasina had returned from her China visit and held a press conference. Everyone hoped she would solve the problem after such protests. But instead, she vilified the movement, labeling it as one driven by 'rajakars'." 
 
"She made derogatory comments about protesters and their families. It hurt everyone's sense of dignity-how could the prime minister speak this way about a just, moral, and rational movement? The backlash was immediate. Students began chanting slogans in their dormitories. It was spontaneous," he said. 
 
"We sensed that students were ready to take to the streets, so we mobilized, called everyone through Facebook. That night, students spontaneously poured into the streets."
 
"We knew at some point the Chhatra League or the police would attack. We remembered 2018 and the road safety protests. This government had always brutally suppressed student protests. We mentally prepared for arrests and repression. But we hadn't anticipate the sheer scale of the violence on 15 July or the brutal attacks on female students at Dhaka University," Nahid said.
 
"We always assumed there would be some sensitivity about female protesters. But in this movement, women were at the forefront-perhaps more than in any previous student movement in Bangladesh. They became the first and primary targets of state violence," he added.
 
"That day, even at Dhaka Medical College Hospital, injured protesters again came under attack by BCL leaders and activists. This barbarity will go down in the history of Dhaka University. While we thought of some repression, we never imagined this level of brutality. The next day, 16 July, we held massive demonstrations. Student organizations of opposition parties joined the movement in full force," he recounted with a calm voice.
 
"After attack on especially female students of DU on July 15, and the death of Abu Sayeed on the 16th, the movement transformed," he said.
 
Nahid said, "I was the first to announce Sayeed's death at the Shaheed Minar. He had stood firm in the face of bullets. The incident deeply moved us. We were broken and enraged. On 16 July, I realized this would no longer remain a quota reform movement. The damage had gone beyond repair. We had to move toward a full-fledged anti-government uprising."
 
"We participated in protest movement massively on 16 July, and on the 17th we held a symbolic funeral prayer. But the government, sensing the situation, closed all educational institutions. When we arrived at the university that morning, we saw students packing belongings to leave. We went from dorm to dorm, urging them to stay," he continued in an emotion-chocked voice. 
 
"Our 17 July programme had some shortcomings as we were in confusion about whether we will march to Raju sculpture. Because, Ashura has fallen on the day. We were uncoordinated," he said.
 
"The university administration and government took advantage. All security forces-police, BGB, RAB-were deployed. When we started the coffin march, they fired tear gas and sound grenades. We retreated to hall areas, but the clashes continued there. When we saw our numbers dwindling, we understood this was a direct assault on us. We asked the authorities to let students safely exit the university," he added. 
 
"The government then declared a 24-hour curfew starting that night. I also announced that our complete shutdown would continue even under curfew. But at midnight on the 19th, I was taken. I had already warned of possible arrest. That night, around 2:30am, people identifying as DB came to my friend's house, questioned my identity, blindfolded and handcuffed me, then took me to an undisclosed location. There, I was interrogated and subjected to physical and mental abuse," Nahid said.
 
"On the morning of 21 July, they left me at Purbachal. I went to the hospital, then to Gonoshasthaya Kendra. But the entire hospital came under surveillance. Police and intelligence officials wouldn't allow anyone to contact us. Asif, Baker, and others were also admitted. From there, we tried to reconnect with the movement, giving guidance. That's when they brought us back to DB custody," he said. 
 
"They pressured us to stop the movement. I was in DB custody for six days. First, they asked us to call off the protests. We refused twice. Then they enhanced the pressure-physically and mentally. Our families and female comrades were threatened. One of them was even brought to DB. Our families were frightened," the student leader said.
 
"Under intense psychological pressure, we finally agreed to end the movement-but insisted we would announce it publicly. They rejected this and forced us to record a video statement declaring the movement's end, saying it would be shown to the Home Minister."
 
"We were forced to take meal and that video was used to spread propaganda that the movement had ended. But those outside did not believe it. They intensified the protests. We felt we were in a do-or-die situation. Either we would survive and bring down the regime-or we would perish trying," Nahid said.
 
"On 4 August, we declared that we might even take up arms. That day, Awami League cadres launched massive attacks on protesters across the country. We had announced a long march on 6 July. But we realised after 4 July that the government would shut down the internet and try to suppress us. So, we rescheduled our final battle for 5 July to catch them off guard," he said. 
 
"On the night of the 4 July, we were busy planning the next phase. We coordinated how to mobilize from different points of Dhaka and discussed plans to lay siege to Ganabhaban. We also discussed what to do if the government falls-what will be the interim structure. Talks began with Dr Yunus and others about the future political roadmap," he continued.
 
"From 3 July onward, we had been thinking along these lines-about who might serve as advisers, what the transition government would look like. We were confident that the regime would fall, even if we didn't know the exact timing. When curfew was imposed on the evening of August 4, we understood that the next day's outcome would depend on the army's position. If the army sides with the people, it would be over. If not, there would be more bloodshed," he continued. 
 
"When we began marching from Shahbagh towards Ganabhaban and heard that people from Uttara were joining in, we came to know that Sheikh Hasina had fled. We heard that around 1 or 2pm."
 
"On the final day on 5 August, we were in a moment shaped by the horrors of the night before. The attacks, the internet shutdown-all had made us anxious. We knew something decisive was about to happen," Nahid said. 
 
"Until midday, we were in a state of suspense. Would we survive? Could we win? We had little communication with the outside world. Rumors spread that Sheikh Hasina had already left the country that morning. We couldn't verify it, but we thought the regime was planning its final crackdown. In that uncertainty and fear, we stood firm-determined to resist, no matter the cost," he added.