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SUNDAY, MAY 25, 2025
Youth-Led uprising demands radical change in Bangladesh

Thoughts

Md Siddique Ali
23 August, 2024, 01:00 pm
Last modified: 23 August, 2024, 07:09 pm

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Youth-Led uprising demands radical change in Bangladesh

A radical reform of the entire political process and governance system, including party reform, is required to reap the benefits of the anti-discriminatory students' movement

Md Siddique Ali
23 August, 2024, 01:00 pm
Last modified: 23 August, 2024, 07:09 pm

Students fought for a democratic and non-discriminatory nation in the July Revolution across Bangladesh risking their lives. This graffiti on BUET's wall was photographed on 21 August 2024. Photo: Syed Zakir Hossain
Students fought for a democratic and non-discriminatory nation in the July Revolution across Bangladesh risking their lives. This graffiti on BUET's wall was photographed on 21 August 2024. Photo: Syed Zakir Hossain

In late July and early August 2024, Bangladesh witnessed a resurgence of the aspirations that fuelled its 1971 War of Independence. Students risking their lives fought for a democratic, inclusive, and non-discriminatory nation.

Bangladesh gained independence in 1971, envisioning a nation free from discrimination, corruption, and exploitation. However, 53 years later, it has fallen short of this ideal. The sacrifices of three million freedom fighters have often been dishonoured by false claims and autocratic, corrupt, and discriminatory regimes.

Successive governments have prioritised their interests over the nation's, adopting oppressive and divisive strategies. This has widened inequality and destroyed social harmony, making Bangladesh a place of fear. Many have fled the country as a result.

Political parties have historically ignored the people's voices, resorting to violence to gain power. Significant political changes, including the War of Independence, the People's Revolution of 1990, and the Students' Revolution of 2024, have come at a bloody cost. Yet, those who have come to power after these uprisings have often betrayed the sacrifices made, prioritising their own interests.

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Will the people of Bangladesh witness another betrayal of the students' sacrifices, including the martyrdom of Abu Sayed?

The newly formed interim government's chief advisor has declared Bangladesh the "country of Abu Sayed" and pledged "no discrimination." The people have welcomed this promise and eagerly await its implementation. However, reconstructing the state in accordance with the students' and people's expectations is a monumental task that requires consolidating democracy, human rights, and good governance.

Elections are crucial for consolidating democracy, human rights, and governance. The interim government's primary responsibility is to hold a free, fair, credible, participatory, and inclusive election. However, before that, they must establish a consolidated democracy. 

Political parties have demanded an immediate election, but the people, particularly the youth, are not interested in "the same wine in a new bottle." They demand a radical transformation of politics and governance, seeking an inclusive, representative, participatory, and accountable democracy.

For years, Bangladesh's democracy was not truly democratic, as the country was governed by dictators, autocrats, and corrupt regimes. The people were denied their rights, including freedom of speech, choice, and participation. Rampant corruption, misrule, and exclusionary governance have grossly violated human rights.

The people expect the interim government to bring about radical and sustainable changes in politics and governance. Every future government should be compelled to adhere to inclusive and representative democratic norms and practices, including good governance at all levels.

The interim government has stated its intention to formulate a new law to guide political parties and has urged them to reform themselves with new, clean leaders. However, most major parties are not accustomed to democratic norms in selecting party leaders. 

Even party members and activists do not have the right to choose their leaders, as most are selected through "family-cracy," nepotism, and favouritism. Autocratically selected leaders often adopt abusive, autocratic, discriminatory, and exclusionary approaches. Historically, ousted and punished autocratic leaders have retained leadership positions.

The interim government's call for political party reform may seem like an old game with a new referee. It is doubtful whether it will be effective, given past failures. Party members, particularly the youth wing, often benefit from autocratic and abusive leadership and may be complicit in maintaining it. 

If the youth members of these major parties were to unite against autocratic and abusive leadership, a miracle could occur. However, the likelihood of this happening is slim, as these youth wings have historically been used as tools to keep autocratic and abusive leaders in power.

A radical reform of the entire political process and governance system, including party reform, is required to reap the benefits of the anti-discriminatory students' movement. To reconstruct the state, the interim government must restore law and order and economic stability. Simultaneously, they should take steps to objectively and radically reform the political and governance systems, focussing on key areas such as:

Ensuring participatory, representative, and inclusive political processes and government institutions:

  • Advancing civil and political rights, including the rights to freedom of expression, association, peaceful assembly, and access to information.
  • Educating people about their political rights and actively engaging them in the political process, ensuring they not only vote freely but also prevent the restoration of autocracy and corruption.
  • Ensuring that the media is independent and open to holding the government accountable to the people.
  • Engaging civil society organisations to monitor government and political party functions, maintaining continuous pressure to ensure accountability and responsibility in addressing public needs and demands.
  • Ensuring that state institutions implement participatory political processes and support the fair and impartial implementation of policies and laws.

Ensuring greater accountability of institutions and leaders to citizens and the law:

  • Empowering citizens to exercise their right to select and replace their leaders through periodic, free, and fair elections.
  • Empowering civil society organisations and an independent and open media to provide oversight and honest, informed critiques of government.
  • Strengthening institutions and systems that enable the rule of law and checks and balances among branches of government.
  • Preparing state institutions at all levels to fulfil their mandates, uphold public trust, and provide public goods and services through transparent and responsive governance.

 Protecting and promoting universally recognised human rights:

  • Strengthening the justice system to protect against, mitigate, and respond to all forms of human rights violations, including civil and political rights.
  • Preventing violations by strengthening human rights frameworks, institutions, and oversight mechanisms.
  • Promoting human rights principles in line with universal values and international norms, including non-discrimination, equality, participation, inclusion, accountability, and the rule of law.

 

Equal access to the law and zero tolerance of corruption and exploitation are commendable goals. However, mere rhetoric is not enough. Practical steps are needed to formulate and enact laws, establish transparent mechanisms, and rebuild and strengthen relevant state institutions. The interim government must prove itself capable of reconstructing the state while upholding the expectations of the youth.

As the interim government embarks on reforming all sectors and departments before holding elections, they must create a clear roadmap with specific milestones and communicate these plans to the people clearly and regularly. Taking too long without clear plans could frustrate the public and jeopardise the success of the anti-discriminatory students' movement.

Many people in society are non-corrupt, non-discriminatory, non-abusive, and non-violent. However, simply avoiding harmful and negative activities is not sufficient. These individuals must actively challenge those who are corrupt, abusive, and exploitative. A non-discriminatory, non-corrupt, and non-abusive nation is good, but an anti-discriminatory, anti-corrupt, and anti-abusive nation is better. 

Building such a nation depends on having anti-discriminatory, anti-corrupt, and anti-abusive individuals in every sphere of society. These individuals must challenge and prevent negative actions within their families, communities, and workplaces. The people must prepare themselves to be anti-corrupt, anti-autocratic, anti-abusive, and anti-authoritarian, if they are to rebuild the country in line with the aspirations of the freedom fighters and the martyrs of the anti-discriminatory students' revolution.

True democracy accommodates and tolerates diverse opinions and ideologies, with no room for exclusion or destruction. Democracy and human rights are complementary. The interim government should allow all parties to carry out their political functions within common national rules and norms. The youth must understand the beauty of democracy and adhere to democratic norms and values if they truly wish to rebuild the country as a consolidated democratic nation.


Md Siddique Ali is the Ex- Country Director (Interim) and Programme Manager, Education at BRAC International in Afghanistan and worked in several positions at Concern Worldwide and UCEP Bangladesh, for over 25 years.


Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and views of The Business Standard.

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