When crowds replace courts: Bangladesh’s growing crisis of mob justice

On 11 April 2026, in Daulatpur of Kushtia, Abdur Rahman, a spiritual figure, was killed by a mob following a video that spread on social media purporting that he had made comments that were offensive to religious feelings. 

On this unproven assertion, a mob were formed, assaulted him, ransacked his shrine, and burned it. No complaint was made, no inquiry was conducted, no trial was held--just a rumour, which in a few hours had been reduced to a death sentence. It was one of a trend that is gradually becoming established.

The crisis magnitude

Mob violence in Bangladesh has ceased to be a one-off event but now become a crisis. According to Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK) data, there are 128 deaths in 2024 because of mob attacks, which increased to 197 in 2025. After the political transition in August 2024, at least 293 people have been killed by the mob. 

According to other counts, there are over 400 incidents in August 2024 through early 2026. Although there are inconsistencies in reporting, the trend is quite clear, mob violence is increasing in both levels and frequency.

Why is this happening

To begin with, there is a waning trust in the justice system. As the processes can be seen as slow or unpredictable, individuals start wanting them to be immediate.

Second, visible gaps in enforcement arose because of the post-August 2024 transition. During such times, power can be seen to be decentralised, which opens the way to mobs in action.

Third, information dissemination is fast during the era of the Internet. Rumours spread more quickly than confirmation, with millions of people being connected online. A crowd can be organised in a few minutes, as happened in Kushtia with one video.

Fourth, deterrence is undermined by impunity. Repeat will be more probable when the offenders are not always recognised and penalised.

Fifth, volatility is due to social frustration. The economic pressure and inequality bring a situation in which anger can easily be turned into a collective action.

A Case Study: Turning point in Pakistan, Sialkot

In Pakistan, Priyantha Kumara, a Sri Lankan factory manager, was brutally killed by a mob in December 2021, after he was accused of blasphemy, with these accusations not being subjected to any judicial review. He was killed and his body was burned afterwards, causing an international uproar. 

Those who played major roles were sentenced to the death penalty and others were given lengthy sentences quickly. Imran Khan, who was the then Prime Minister came out publicly denouncing the act, stating that it was a national disgrace. Although there are still some such incidents, the reaction brought some deterrence.

The Consequences: Other than short-term violence

The mob culture explosion has far-reaching ramifications. It undermines the principles of due process as it marginalises the justice system. An overall lack of security is created, as anyone can be a victim without evidence. 

This uncertainty discourages investments and confidence in the economy. Above all, it destroys the social morals- when the violence is legitimized the distinction between justice and revenge is lost.

How to fix it: Structural response

To find a sustainable solution, it needs to be coordinated.

1. Zero tolerance: Mob-related violence should be treated as a serious criminal offence, and expedited trials should be used to ensure justice is served promptly.

2. Enhance rapid response: The police have to respond promptly, with local intelligence and coordinated communications.

3. Punish instigators: Individuals who cause rumours or gather crowds should be found and charged.

4. Deal with digital misinformation: Processes are required to identify and respond to fake stories within a short period, without infringing on the freedom of expression.

5. Be politically consistent: Mob violence should be condemned without any political discrepancies.

6. Encourage community consciousness: Religious and community leaders should strengthen the comprehension that it is the role of the state to bring justice.

7. Safeguard minorities and at-risk persons: Minorities and vulnerable persons need special protection.

Beyond condemnation: What follows strong words?

The government has come out strongly in opposition to mob violence. There have been very strong reproaches at the highest level, which is an indication that such activities are not acceptable. But it is not what is said, but what is followed, that is the critical question. 

As history tells us, the mob culture does not fade away due to its being criticised. It withdraws as it is repeatedly punished. It is not, however, the gap of intent, but the gap of execution.

The missing link: Society itself

Policies alone will not be enough. In most incidents, large numbers of people are present, yet very few attempt to intervene. This reveals a difficult truth—mob culture persists not only because some act violently, but because many remain passive. Kushtia compels us to confront that reality. 

The real gap is not law, but enforcement

Bangladesh does not suffer from a shortage of laws. The current legal system is adequate to take care of mob violence. The lack is uniform and apparent enforcement. Mobs become self-assured where it is discriminating or differ. 

Unless justice is perceived to have been served, the message that is propagated is dangerous. Bangladesh is at a crossroads. It is not a question of whether there should be a law, but rather whether there should be an enforced law or a law that has been ignored. Such a decision will make the future of the country.

Md Nazrul Islam is a former executive chairman of BEPZA, a retired major general of the Bangladesh Army, and a PhD researcher on technology, workforce transformation, and industrial competitiveness.

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and views of The Business Standard.