July Charter 2025: Can Bangladesh's Magna Carta deliver?
However, meaningful reform does not happen overnight; it evolves gradually and organically, like a living organism—not something engineered in a lab. Reform is a continuous process.
With political parties agreeing to the draft of July Charter 2025--brokered by the Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus-led National Consensus Commission following intense, structured national brainstorming sessions -- Bangladesh is now poised for a lasting political settlement, much like the Magna Carta of 1215, signed by King John of England and rebellious barons, which paved the way for representative governance and democracy, not just in Britain but throughout the world.
In an address to the nation on August 5, 2025, marking the first anniversary of the fall of Sheikh Hasina's regime, Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus said after unveiling the July Declaration, which outlined the context of the July Uprising and other historic democratic movements, the nation now has reached the final stage with the July Charter, which "will ensure the smooth transfer of power, the independence and strength of accountable state institutions, the realization of citizens' rights, and the proper management of national resources and capabilities."
The July Charter's state reform proposals now awaiting formal endorsement by political parties— excluding those who enabled Sheikh Hasina's regime until August 2024—represent a deliberate attempt to prevent the return of fascist tendencies in Bangladesh's governance. During her 15-plus years in power, Sheikh Hasina oversaw an increasingly authoritarian system, ultimately evolving into a system marked by fascist traits.
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Electoral democracy was eroded through the misuse of state institutions and machinery. Political opposition was suppressed through crackdowns on rallies and protests, jailing in fabricated cases, and routine scapegoating during national crises.
Security forces and intelligence agencies were weaponized for enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and torture in secret dungeons. Press freedom was severely undermined, as media outlets were either brought under tight control or compelled to practise self-censorship. A personality cult was cultivated around her herself, and her family members through media and education system to secure blind loyalty. Meanwhile, a crony economy flourished, enriching her close associates through unchecked corruption and laundering money from banking system.
The national governance reform agendas now aim to break this pattern of fascism by establishing a level playing field guided by stringent, unambiguous laws, where elections are not rigged, government security personnel are not responsible for enforced disappearances, and the rulers are not above the law-- echoing the spirit of the 1215 Great Charter, which first established that even the king was subject to the law.
The parties have reached a consensus to limit the Prime Minister's tenure to a maximum of 10 years-- a landmark decision aimed at breaking the cycle of dynastic politics and fostering internal democracy within political parties. Notably, this may be the first instance in a Westminster-style democracy where the Prime Minister's term is capped. Homegrown political challenges require homegrown solutions, and Bangladesh is no exception. However, in an era of rising authoritarianism in democracies, this could also serve as a model.
As part of the broader reform package, the parties also agreed to nominate four parliamentary standing committee chairs from the opposition, establish a constituency delimitation committee, elect the President through secret ballots and amend the President's authority to grant pardons.
Another significant step is the agreement to use referendums to amend certain constitutional articles, including those related to the preamble, fundamental principles of state policy, and the caretaker government system.
In some cases, political parties have reached consensus on several key reforms, although some have submitted "notes of dissent" on a few clauses or sub-clauses. All support restoring the caretaker government system to oversee national elections every five years but differ on one or two methods for selecting the chief adviser.
Amending Article 70 of the Constitution is one of central issues. The proposed change would allow MPs to vote against party lines, except on no-confidence motions and finance bills. Some parties want constitutional amendment bills and national security matters included in the exemptions.
There is also agreement that the most senior judge of the Appellate Division should be appointed Chief Justice. However, if a party declares in its manifesto the intent to appoint one of the top two judges and wins the election, it may proceed. BNP's Salahuddin Ahmed said his party accepts the seniority principle but wants to retain the option to choose from the top two.
Dissent also emerged over the process of forming the upper house, women's representation, and whether the Prime Minister can simultaneously serve as party chief. Further disagreements arose over appointments to key governance institutions. While it was recommended that the President independently appoint the heads of several oversight bodies, BNP and others objected to granting sole authority over appointments to the Energy Regulatory Commission and Bangladesh Bank.
Ways to implement the pledges to reform Bangladesh
The National Consensus Commission has urged all parties to complete the constitutional and legal reforms outlined in the July National Charter within two years of taking office through the next general election. In a recent meeting, the Commission also decided to continue consultations with political parties and experts to explore effective ways to implement the agreed reforms.
As a key stakeholder in Bangladesh's current political landscape, the BNP bears significant responsibility. Having ruled for 14 years across different terms in the country's 54-year history, it registered the most notes of dissent on the Commission's reform proposals—yet also conceded to major measures, including a cap limiting any individual to a maximum of 10 years as prime minister. BNP's original proposal was a policy that would prevent any individual from serving as the prime minister for more than two consecutive terms, meaning a person could go for a third term and more after a pause.
However, long positioned as a pro-reform party, the BNP unveiled a 31-point agenda in July 2023, much of which aligns with the Commission's proposals, and earlier the party outlined structural reforms in its 2016 'Vision 2030'.
Other parties, such as Jamaat-e-Islami and the NCP, are also keen to see the recommendations implemented. However, the methods for executing the reform proposals have not been finalized, as parties have offered differing opinions.
Opportunities must not be missed
A similar opportunity --though not as structured or methodical in terms of specific reforms as the July Charter of 2025 -- was once within reach in 1990, when the three major political alliances—Awami League-led 8-party, BNP-led 7-party, and the left-leaning 5-party alliance—jointly unveiled a framework for the resignation of military ruler HM Ershad and a transition to democratic governance. Jamaat-e-Islami, though not part of any alliance, simultaneously joined the anti-Ershad movement.
With the appointment of Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed as Vice President and handover of power, the movement's immediate goal was achieved. However, beyond the restoration of parliamentary democracy, other promises—such as strengthening judiciary, freeing media, and depoliticising institutions—remained unfulfilled. Commitments to electoral neutrality, fundamental rights, and ethical politics were soon abandoned.
The 2025 July Charter --the Bangladeshi Magna Carta --earned through the sacrifice of over 800 martyrs and 1,700 injured in the July Uprising must deliver on the reform plans it has set out.
However, meaningful reform does not happen overnight; it evolves gradually and organically, like a living organism—not something engineered in a lab.
The political parties have agreed on several core reforms, though differences remain over few clauses and implementation. Such differences are fundamental to democracy, contrary to concerns expressed by some about the major parties' conditional consensus on key areas of state reform. The reform is a continuous process.
Shamim A Zahedy is a journalist. He can be reached at szahedy@yahoo.com
Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and views of The Business Standard.
