How local journalism survives on debt, pressure and press cards
Despite a national wage board and press regulations, most sub-district correspondents work without salaries, contracts, or allowances. As financial precarity deepens, local journalism is increasingly shaped by extortion, unpaid labour, and institutional neglect
When the flood-protection embankment collapsed in Paikgacha Upazila in mid-August 2024, water rushed into 13 villages within hours. Homes were flooded, crops destroyed, and families displaced.
For forty-year-old Alamgir Islam (alias), the news came with urgency, but also with a practical concern. The worst-affected village was almost two hours away by boat, far from the upazila headquarters, and reaching it would cost around Tk500 in transport and basic expenses.
"There was no support from the newsroom," Alamgir said. "They do not understand how far it is or how difficult travel can be here."
Alamgir has spent more than twelve years reporting from Bangladesh's southern coast, writing for several national media outlets. His work covers disasters, local politics, and everyday rural life.
Yet when an assignment arrives, it often comes without logistical backing, travel allowance, or assurance of payment. Reporting becomes less about editorial judgement and more about whether the cost can be managed.
This quiet calculation is common among local journalists across Bangladesh, where reporting is shaped by financial limits rather than newsroom planning.
A profession without wages
In Paikgacha alone, Alamgir estimates that between 60 and 70 journalists work for local and national newspapers, television channels, and online portals. Only two or three receive any form of regular monthly honorarium. The rest have no appointment letters, no contracts, and no coverage under the national wage board.
All are given a press identity card instead.
In many cases, journalists have to pay to obtain or retain this card. Sometimes the payment is direct. In other cases, it comes through circulation targets, informal fees, or festival-time demands. Instead of being paid for their reporting, journalists often finance their own position in the profession.
Outside Dhaka, this system has become common practice. With a few exceptions among leading national newspapers, most outlets do not pay their sub-district correspondents. Although the wage board exists, it has little effect at the local level. Interviewed journalists say that more than 90 per cent of newspapers do not follow it.
Without a salary, many journalists rely on other sources of income. Some run small businesses. Others depend on the informal authority that comes with carrying a press card. In rural areas, illegal activities such as land grabbing, unlicensed businesses, or regulatory violations are widespread. Journalists often learn about these activities early. In such situations, the threat of publication can turn into leverage.
By showing a press card and hinting at a report, some journalists collect money to suppress stories. Alamgir said only a small number earn significant amounts this way, but the practice is widely known. Paid reporting is another result of financial pressure. During crop-cutting seasons, disputes often arise among local power holders.
One side may pay a journalist Tk1,000 or 2,000 to write a report supporting their position, while the opposing side hires another journalist to respond. Different versions of the same incident then appear across outlets, each favouring a different interest.
Media houses also apply pressure in other ways. Some newspapers send printed copies to upazila correspondents and require them to distribute the papers locally. Journalists must pay the circulation bills even when there are no buyers.
Ahead of Eid, calls from Dhaka are common. Editors or circulation officials casually ask for Eid salami. While framed informally, the expectation is understood.
In some cases, exploitation is formalised. Certain media houses require correspondents to submit jamanat, or deposits, ranging from Tk50,000 to 100,000. The money is returned only when the journalist gives up the press card. Until then, the funds remain with management and are often invested elsewhere.
Resistance is rare. Losing the press card means losing access, status, and local protection. Alamgir said many people are willing to pay more than 100,000 taka simply to obtain such a card. Over time, these practices have become accepted as normal rather than unusual.
Reporting under pressure
In Cox's Bazar, the challenges play out in a different setting but follow similar patterns. The district is shaped by the Rohingya refugee camps, the Matarbari Deep Sea Port, trafficking routes, and national security concerns linked to the borders with Myanmar and India.
Golam Rahman (alias), a local correspondent, said some national outlets pay a monthly salary of Tk10,000 to 15,000. The amount is barely enough to cover living expenses. There are no travel allowances. Reporting trips to refugee camps or port areas can cost Tk1,500 to 2,000 each.
After a few trips, many journalists stop going into the field.
When Golam first entered journalism, he often stayed in the bureau, rewriting reports collected by others. This practice is very common among local journalists. One journalist gathers information from the field, while others modify the same material and submit it to their own outlets.
"This explains why coverage across outlets often looks the same," said Tanbirul Miraj Ripon, Bangladesh correspondent for The Economist.
Editors based in Dhaka often misjudge local realities. Golam recalled being asked to send a recent photo of Saint Martin's Island, which is 32 kilometres away and requires a costly ferry journey. From the desk, the request seemed reasonable. On the ground, it was not.
Investigative reporting carries greater risks. Golam once spent more than a month investigating corruption involving a powerful individual. The report was delayed and eventually not published, likely due to pressure or bribery at the central level. During the delay, the sources of that investigation assumed Golam had taken money to suppress the story. He lost credibility and access to them.
When he asked editors why the report was dropped, they suspected him of having personal motives, as this is quite common among local journalists.
Such experiences discourage committed journalists from pursuing in-depth reporting. Golam identified three broad groups of journalists in Cox's Bazar: those who try to work honestly while managing multiple jobs; those who rely on extortion using press cards; and individuals involved in criminal activities, including drug trafficking, who acquire press cards for access and protection.
Media houses often ignore this as long as content continues to arrive without financial responsibility.
Even journalists working for international outlets observe these conditions. Ripon said that while he receives institutional support, local colleagues frequently report without logistics, transport, or allowances. In sensitive border areas, journalists rely heavily on official sources. Independent investigation becomes difficult, and reporting comes with 'hidden threats'.
Newsrooms that struggle to exist
The financial strain extends to local newspapers themselves. SM Sahid Ullah, owner and editor of Daily Dakkhinanchal in Khulna, said district-level newspapers operate with very limited manpower and almost no financial buffer.
Advertising is their main source of income, but access is unequal. Government advertisements, especially those issued by the Ministry of Information, repeatedly go to a small group of high-circulation newspapers. Rotation policies are rarely followed.
Unlike Dhaka-based newspapers that earn from both circulation and advertising, local newspapers rely almost entirely on advertising income. Readership is limited, and subscription revenue is minimal. Sahid Ullah said his newspaper survives largely through personal resources. Staff salaries are paid using income from house rent, savings, and interest. The attached printing press provides some support, but the newspaper itself does not generate any profit.
These constraints make it difficult to hire trained journalists. Even a monthly salary of Tk10,000 is considered high for a district-level paper. As a result, journalists often misuse press cards to survive, and this has become the norm. Earlier government subsidies that supported local newspapers have stopped, leaving smaller outlets more vulnerable. Advertising distribution is further shaped by personal networks, political influence, and dishonest practices among some officials.
An editor responsible for local news at a leading national media outlet, speaking anonymously, said the crisis is systemic. The first major shift occurred when private television channels were licensed without proper planning. Channels expanded nationwide without developing sustainable models for local journalism. While spending heavily on Dhaka-based operations, management allocated little for local reporting.
A second decline followed the rise of online news portals. Many now appoint multiple correspondents in the same district without pay, creating artificial competition and prioritising speed over accuracy. Inflated claims about nationwide correspondent networks hide a system dependent on unpaid labour.
With no stable income, NGO workshops have become another survival option. Journalists attend for payments and exposure, while organisations receive coverage, often in the form of unedited promotional content. Verification suffers, and recycled material becomes common.
Abu Sufian, Programme Manager at the South Asian Center for Media in Development, said access to such workshops is often controlled by senior journalists affiliated with local press clubs. Through personal networks, the same individuals attend similar trainings repeatedly, mainly for the per diem and visibility.
Junior and emerging reporters, who need training the most, are frequently excluded. To address this, the organisation is now working directly with newsrooms and local universities instead of relying on press club recommendations.
Dr Mohammad Sahid Ullah, Professor in the Department of Communication and Journalism at the University of Chittagong, said practices such as extortion, jamanat, and press card misuse are not isolated problems but outcomes of an unregulated local media system. Instead of receiving salaries, many journalists are required to pay for their press identity cards, a practice that has become normal over the last 10 to 15 years.
Earlier, local journalism attracted educated and socially respected individuals. Over time, it has increasingly drawn people with strong political affiliations and limited formal education. This shift has contributed to a nexus of unethical journalists, influential local politicians, and corrupt administrative officials.
According to Sahid Ullah, ethically committed journalists struggle to survive in such an environment and often leave the profession. Without effective regulation, transparent registration, and stronger enforcement by institutions such as the Press Council, local journalism in Bangladesh remains trapped in a cycle of economic vulnerability, political influence, and declining public trust.
Usama Rafid is a Lecturer in Media Studies and Journalism at the University of Liberal Arts Bangladesh (ULAB). His research focuses on journalism practices and their interaction with media technologies and business models.
Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and views of The Business Standard.
