BBC interview offers a glimpse into Tarique Rahman’s mind

The Bangladesh Nationalist Party's (BNP's) acting chairperson Tarique Rahman has not been quiet these past few years. From his home-in-exile in southwest London, he has been recording video speeches which have been widely seen and heard by his party faithful in Bangladesh and abroad. 

But the recent interview Rahman gave to the BBC's Bangla service was qualitatively different, and therefore, achieved higher impact among the discerning public. 

For one thing, this was the first time in nearly two decades that Rahman sat down to face questions from the media. More importantly, as the BBC duo asked the sort of questions that were swirling around in the minds of politics watchers in the country, this gave a glimpse into how Rahman's mind works and what his thoughts are about the future of his party and its place in the country's political scene. 

Rahman made it plain that he is planning to return to Bangladesh, but possibly at the time of the elections. 

"I will make the utmost effort, it will be my wish to be present among the masses during the elections that the people so desire," he said.

However, phrases such as "utmost effort" and "my wish" radiate uncertainty. The answer left his actual plan or the precise date of his return hanging in the air. It also gave the impression that his return would be conditional upon the reassurance that elections would go ahead as planned in February. 

PM-in-waiting

He also confirmed he would be a candidate in the elections, but was rather cagey, almost shy about confirming what everyone else already assumes to be the case — that he will lead the BNP at the polls, thus becoming its prime minister candidate. "It would depend on the people of the country," he said, adding that the party would decide who would be the party's PM candidate. 

This hesitation did not appear to be a lack of confidence. More likely, it was a  careful, deliberate effort not to appear to be imposing himself on the party. He is acutely aware that, while he was safely ensconced in a leafy suburb of London these past 17 years, tens of thousands of BNP workers suffered unimaginable oppression at the hands of the Awami League government, including enforced disappearances and extra-judicial killings.  

Despite the long years of exile, Rahman left no one in any doubt that he was in charge of the party, and fully engaged with the reforms process currently being pursued by the interim government led by Professor Muhammad Yunus. 

Rahman tried to reassure the public that the BNP would not be an obstacle to reforms. But he also made it plain that the BNP, the only party with experience of governance, has its own reforms agenda, and they would refuse to be railroaded into accepting other parties' vision of the future. 

Muscle and money power

He acknowledged the party's past scepticism about the interim government's sincerity in holding polls, but pointed out the recent improvement in relations, especially since the announcement of the election "road map".

"BNP has been saying from the start that, the sooner elections are held, the quicker stability will return," Rahman said. 

He made it clear that the BNP's confidence in the interim government is conditional on the smooth progress towards the February elections.

However, the interview also showed the old ills that have afflicted Bangladeshi politics for decades may still be lingering in the higher echelons of the BNP. 

The party ruled the country for 14 years in four phases and another four years of military rule by party founder General Ziaur Rahman. Yet, Tarique Rahman did not find a single policy or action taken by a BNP-led government which caused anger or controversy, for which he could show remorse. 

He had a general, vague stab at acknowledgement of errors towards the very end of the interview. "Maybe we made some mistakes and errors. Yes, we have gained experience from the past, that such and such way was wrong, so we won't do that in future," he said. 

Vision of the party's future

Instead, he dwelt on past successes of the BNP, and said he'd take "lessons" from those successes and take them forward in the future. But some of those successes which he attributed to the BNP or its founder, are open to question. 

For instance, Rahman claimed that, after the famine of 1974, General Ziaur Rahman — who was assassinated in 1981 — had slowly made Bangladesh "self-sufficient in food production." But the reality is, even as late as 2020, the AL government's claim of food self-sufficiency was not universally accepted. Bangladesh only became self-sufficient in the production of the staple, rice, in 1998-99.  

Rahman's vision of the BNP in the future was couched in populist rhetoric but lacked in substance. 

For instance, he flat-out rejected the allegation that BNP — like some other parties — had given nominations to election candidates on the basis of "muscle power" or money. Those who have followed Bangladeshi politics since 1991, particularly its "monetisation," would probably not have full confidence in Rahman's assertion. 

More tellingly perhaps, the response indicated a desire to retain the failed modality of politics that has pushed Bangladesh into a morass of corruption, lack of accountability and violation of rights. Rahman missed an opportunity to present to the world a new, modern face of the BNP. 

Dynastic rule 

When asked what would be different about the BNP in 2026, compared to when they were last in power 20 years ago, Rahman displayed a lack of political or philosophical vision. His response was couched in the traditional "we work for the betterment of the people" mode. 

He spoke of building a strong foundation — he used the Hindi word, buniyad — for democracy and accountability. Yet, he said nothing about any plans to democratise the working of the party itself, and defended the dynastic leadership in the BNP. 

He reiterated the BNP's commitment to freedom of expression and freedom of the press, which would be reassuring to people in the media who suffered under the AL's repressive approach as well as the mob-driven fear of the Yunus era. 

But Rahman's claim that no journalist was ever oppressed or forced into exile under previous BNP regimes — as was the case under Sheikh Hasina — fell short of the truth. 

One can refer to the forced exile of feminist writer Taslima Nasrin in 1994 and the torture and exile of journalist Saleem Samad in 2004 as examples. The case of BSS journalist Enamul Haque Chowdhury, who was arrested and tortured in 2002 after misattributing a quote to the then Home Minister, cannot be brushed aside either. 

Fate of Awami League

One topic that looms large whenever the future course of politics is discussed, is the issue of the Awami League. More precisely, whether the AL, the party that led the nation to independence in 1971, should be allowed to exist or not. Tarique Rahman took a tough stance. 

He appeared adamant about the trial of people accused of repression during the AL's 2009-24 tenure. But he appeared unsure when asked about AL the party, rather than individuals who may be accused of crimes. 

First he suggested the courts would deal with the matter. But then said "the people" would decide, without explaining exactly how the people would deliver their verdict, given that the AL is banned from participating in the elections. 

"If they have committed crimes as a party, then they will be tried under the law of the land," he said. He later added, "If the people do not support a party or organisation, then I don't see any reason for their existence. I believe the people are the biggest judges on this issue."  

His apparently uncompromising stance on the Awami League does not bode well for the future. One of the biggest obstacles to political stability and growth of a democratic culture in Bangladesh has been the burning desire to exact revenge for past wrongs. No political party is immune from this, and such revenge-seeking has been one of the defining — and troubling — features of Yunus's rule. 

Tarique Rahman may get the opportunity to turn over a new leaf — by separating justifiable prosecution from unjustifiable political persecution. Whether he takes this chance or not following February's elections, would set the tone of Bangladeshi politics for the coming decade. 

The writer is former head of BBC Bangla and former managing editor of VOA Bangla. He can be contacted at sabir.mustafa@gmail.com. Follow him on X @Sabir59.