Post-uprising crisis: Crime surge or mere anarchy?

The rape and murder of an eight-year-old girl in Magura this March became one of the most widely discussed incidents since the interim government took power after the July Uprising.

Other crimes, like robberies, street snatchings, abductions, and extortion—allegedly involving political figures—also increased. In some cases, criminals broke into private homes, and women faced harassment in public places.

A leading newspaper reported a decrease in rape, theft, and burglary incidents but a slight increase in robbery, snatching, and kidnapping —incidents that usually take place in an anarchic situation.

The protests and media attention on these cases highlight the new freedom of expression under Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus's administration, unlike Sheikh Hasina's ousted regime, which was known for suppressing dissent and electoral rights.

In this freer environment, industrial workers have blocked the Dhaka-Gazipur highway 83 times since the 5 August political transition, and Dhaka has become a center for rallies as groups express long-suppressed demands.

The recent outcry over law and order may be distorting perceptions. While crime statistics show some fluctuations, the intense media coverage—driven by unchecked reporting—has created a false perception of rising lawlessness, especially concerning violent crimes against women and children.

As with all revolutionary transitions, Bangladesh witnessed inevitable political violence in the wake of change—a predictable backlash against years of repression. In the absence of fully restructured law enforcement agencies— many discredited by their role in extrajudicial killings and human rights abuses during the authoritarian era— a temporary surge in criminal activity was perhaps unavoidable.

The post-revolutionary vacuum could easily lead to full-scale anarchy, like the worst parts of the Arab Spring. The fact that it didn't spiral into terrorism or an extremist takeover shows the strength of Bangladeshi society.

But what do the cold statistics reveal? Beneath the alarming headlines, do the numbers support the perception of rising lawlessness or merely expose the artificial calm of enforced 'stability' under the previous regime?

In February 2025, amid criticism of worsening law and order, the police reported around 13,000 crimes. In February 2024, a month after Sheikh Hasina's Awami League formed the government following her third controversial election, the number was about 15,500.

In July 2024, the last full month of her rule, the number of crime incidents was almost 15,000, which dropped to below 9,000 in the very next month (August) when she fled the country. In the following months, the number ranged between 12,000 and 13,000, as against an average of over 16,000 criminal incidents per month before her fall.

It should be noted that Hasina's law enforcement personnel killed more than 1,000 students and ordinary people and wounded over 20,000 during the July Uprising, and subsequently, they were largely non-functional. Volunteers and political activists then guarded various establishments, including those of minority communities, to protect them. In those uncertain days, some rumours of robbery and attacks on communities eventually proved to be wrong.

However, many of the criminal incidents have not occurred at all, while invisible political hands were there in staging some incidents as part of their sabotage attempts of late, as suggested by some leaked conversations of the stalwarts of the Hasina regime.

In fact, the Bangladeshi people, reputed as resilient and peace-loving, have made a clear difference from the reckless civil unrest created at the end of autocratic rule elsewhere as a result of failure to show social cohesion—not entering the hole of anarchism to the extent of civil war.

Still, some social media posts reflect attempts by frustrated supporters of the previous regime to paint a grim picture of law and order and thus insinuate that the situation was better during their rule. These are the elements that wholeheartedly endorse any acts of the Hasina regime, be it killings, corruption, or the enslavement of citizens, and find no way to reclaim a moral position in society in a new atmosphere.

Not surprisingly, such frustrations have been echoed in the propaganda by a section of Indian media outlets, albeit with unsubstantiated allegations about the situation in Bangladesh, especially the status of minority rights.

In a recent case, an Indian television journalist asked a 'leading question' to the Director at US National Intelligence, Tulsi Gabbard, asking her if the US is concerned about 'a lot of violence' and 'attacks on minorities.' The reply from the Indian-origin American was obvious, and her sweeping remarks about the persecution of religious minorities are far from reality in Bangladesh, if not in the country she was visiting.

Fortunately, Bangladesh today bears no resemblance to the chaotic world depicted in WB Yeats' famous lines: "Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world. The blood-dimmed tide is loose." Nor has "the ceremony of innocence" been drowned—at least not here.

However, there is still room for improvement in law and order. Strengthening power, streamlining the bureaucracy and police, renewing the mandate for change, engaging politically to improve governance and reforms, and focusing more on people's needs could help address these critical issues.

All such issues should be discussed as the agenda for political transition and elections expected to be held within a reasonable timeframe.

Khawaza Main Uddin. Sketch: TBS

Khawaza Main Uddin is a journalist. He can be contacted at khawaza@gmail.com.

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and views of The Business Standard.